Tuesday, May 13, 2014

Of Elections and Diapers in Ethiopia in 2015


Whether the people of Ethiopia are better off in 2014 than they were in 2010 or in 2005 is the sole question that should be decided in the 2015 parliamentary “election”. If they are not, the people should vote to change diapers. After all, “politicians are like diapers. They both need changing regularly and for the same reason.”  Aarrgh! the thought of poor Ethiopia wearing the same diapers for another 5 years, for a total of 25 years!Ethiopian election and the Ghost of Meles Zenawi in 2015?
In June 2010, I wrote a commentary lamenting the ludicrous 99.6 percent “electoral victory” of the “EPDRF” (“Ethiopian People’s Democratic Revolutionary Front”) , the late Meles Zenawi’s party. In a self-congratulatory victory speech, Meles declared that preposterous election “recognized the efforts of the EPRDF and unequivocally sent a clear message to the opposition parties in our country.” He was referring to the 79 officially registered opposition political “parties” in Ethiopia which were unable to muster even one-half percent collectively in 2010.
The 2010 European Union Election Observation Mission Ethiopia made the understatement of the decade when it observed, “The electoral process fell short of certain international commitments, notably regarding the transparency of the process and the lack of a level playing field for all contesting parties.”  The 60-person African Union (AU) observer team led by former Botswana president Ketumile Masire with a straight face concluded, “the elections were free and fair and the team found no evidence of intimidation and misuse of state resources for ruling party campaigns.” The  White House shedding crocodile tears expressed “concern that international observers found the elections fell short of international commitments.” Ethiopia is wearing the same diapers today.

The ghosts of elections past

In 2010, Meles bulldozed, bribed, bullied and terrorized his way to a 99.6 percent election “victory” . He (mis)used foreign humanitarian and economic aid to buy and extort votes from the rural population. He provided make-work jobs to buy the loyalty of the youth. He (mis)used state resources to mobilize support for his party. He organized a massive surveillance programs and used a network of spies and informants to identify and neutralize his opposition.
When Meles Zenawi prepared for his 99.6 percent electoral victory in 2010, he spoke loudly and carried a big stick. He threatened to prosecute opposition leaders for their allegedly “inflammatory” and “hateful” campaign statements aimed at “inciting violence’. He threatened to jail them if they withdrew from the elections at the last minute and agitated the youth to demonstrate in the streets. After he vanquished his imaginary 78 opponents at the polls, he extended an olive branch to them. They will get his mercy as long as they keep their tails between their legs and licked his boots. “We make this pledge to all the parties who did not succeed in getting the support of the people, during this election, that whether or not you have won seats in the parliament, as long as you respect the will of the people and the country’s Constitution and other laws of the land, we will work by consulting and involving you in all major national issues. We are making this pledge not only because we believe that we should be partners … [but also] you have the right to participate and to be heard.” Meles’ pledges are not worth the breath used to make them.

The Ghost of Meles Zenawi in 2015?

The ghost of Meles Zenawi will hang over the 2015 elections like “pall in the dunnest (dark) smoke of hell”, to paraphrase Shakespeare. Meles was the supreme playwright of stolen and rigged elections. He wrote the script and playbook for rigging and hijacking elections in the bush, long before he held the mantle of power. He was a bit overconfident in 2005 and his party got a thumping; but he learned his lessons well. Never give the real opposition an even break. He jailed wholesale nearly all of the top opposition leaders, independent journalists, human rights advocates and civil society leaders that year.
The overall election mugging strategy for 2015 is the same old one crafted by Meles. Just as Meles wrote the “Growth and Transformation Plan” for the economy, he also wrote the “How To Use Stealth and Hijack the Ethiopian Election Plan” (SHEEP) for politics. The SHEEP plan is based on one simple proposition. “EPDRF” is the ONLY game in town! “EPDRF” is the protector, deliverer and sole guardian of Ethiopia. The “EPDRF” is the ONLY secure pillar of stability, peace, development and progress in Ethiopia.
The SHEEP plan anticipates winning the 2015 election by at least 100 percent. It would be a disgrace and an insult to the memory of Meles to win by anything less! The Plan will work only if the SHEEP shepherds (forgive the pun) manage to hoodwink and corral the various players into their election game.
There is no question that the ruling TPLF (“Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front”) regime, masquerading as “EPDRF”  will do everything in its power to convince the people of Ethiopia and the international loaners and donors that it is the one and ONLY force standing between order and total anarchy in that country. The TPLF will try to convince the people and its foreign bankrollers that without the “EPDRF”, Ethiopia will be plunged into civil war just like Rwanda. Without the “EPDRF” there will be ethnic fragmentation, conflict and warfare just like South Sudan. Without the “EPDRF”,  the “evil” “Amharas” will take over power. Without the “EPDRF”, the “Oromos” will take over power and punish the “Amharas”. Without the “EPDRF”, the “Tigrayans” will face persecution by “Amharas” and “Oromos”. The ethnically diverse people of Ethiopia will be forced out of their homes,  lose their lands and be  deprived of their right to speak in their languages.  Without the “EPDRF”, the infamous “Derg” will rear its ugly head. Without the EPDRF, the “Muslims” will  impose Islamic law in Ethiopia. Without the EPDRF, “Muslims” and “Christians” will persecute each other just like in the Central African Republic. Without the EPDRF, Islamist terrorism will wreak havoc in Ethiopia just like Boko Haram in Nigeria. Without the “EPDRF”, all of the rich people who got rich through corruption and theft will lose their wealth and go to jail or into exile. Without the “EPDRF”, the economy will collapse and Ethiopia will no longer enjoy the (imaginary) 11-15 percent annual economic growth. Without the EPDRF, there will be no development in Ethiopia. Without the “EPDRF”, the sky will fall and the stars come crashing down on Ethiopia! Without the “EPDRF”, there will be no Ethiopia.
Simply stated, the “EPDRF’s” winning strategy is good old fear and loathing. If they can manage to get “Amharas” to fear and dread an “Oromo takeover” of power, they get to win and stay in power. If they can get “Oromos” to hate “Amharas”, they get to win and stay in power. If they can keep  “Oromos” preoccupied by historical grievances and overlook the massacres of dozens of innocent university students, they get to win and stay in power. If they can frighten the smaller ethnic groups into believing the world will close on them without the “EPDRF”, they get to win and stay in power. If they can get “Christians” and “Muslims” to fear, loathe and distrust each other, they get to win and stay in power. If they can scare their rich supporters into believing that without the “EPDRF” , they will certainly lose their riches and end up in exile or in jail, they get to win and stay in power. If the “EPDRF” can get their loaners and donors to believe (wink, wink) the sky will fall on Ethiopia and their national interests if they fall out of power, they get to win and stay in power. If the loaners and donors turn a blind eye, purse their lips and plug their ears, as they always have, to the daylight theft of elections in Ethiopia, they get to win and stay in power.
Asking whether the “EPDRF” will win the 2015 elections is like asking whether darkness will envelope the land after sunset. It will be a cakewalk for them. With Meles, the election mugging playwright and director gone, his pitiful stagehands are now in charge. “Prime Minister” Hailemariam Desalegn, the man warming the “prime minister’s” armchair for Teodros Adhanom, the malaria-researcher-turned-instant-foreign-minster until 2015, has declared on numerous occasions that he and his colleagues will be guided (blindly) by Meles’ vision in everything they do.  In 2010, Meles vision was to win the election by 100 percent. He missed it by four-tenths of one percent. Hailemariam & Co. now face a tremendous challenge. They owe it to Meles to win the 2015 “election” by at least 150 percent. It will be a crying shame if their victory margin falls below the golden threshold of 99.6 percent.
To win by at least 100 percent and make Meles proud, Hailemariam & Co. must handout a little bit more fertilizer to the peasants than they did in 2010. They must at least double the “productive safety net payments” to poor rural household to buy their votes. They need to hand out a lot more “microfinance” loans to hoodwink the youth and buy their loyalty and votes. They also need to provide boatloads of empty promises for handout of condos to urban residents.
Over the next 11 months, the “EPDRF” will busier than a mosquito at a nudist colony subtly, cleverly and gradually implementing its SHEEP to pit the various ethnic groups against each other and spend hundreds of millions of birr to buy votes. They will build on their past successes of divide and conquer/rule strategy. For a quarter of a century, they have succeeded in stoking the fires of ethnic antagonisms. They are stoking ethnic fires today by massacring innocent university students (a little over a week ago BBC reported the regime in Ethiopia massacred 47 university studentsin Ambo 80 miles west of the capital).  They have had great difficulty in stoking the fires of sectarianism between Christians and Muslims, but they will keep trying. They are great at dirty tricks. Their local bankrollers, namely their corruption-fed fat cat supporters who have a chokehold on the economy, will flock to them ready to offer support. After all, they share the same destiny with the SHEEP herders. Naturally, the loaners and donors will babble the usual lip service nonsense about fair and free elections and at a blink of an eye turn a blind eye to the misuse of their foreign aid and loans for partisan political purposes.

What about the opposition?

What opposition?! The regime operators have nothing but contempt for the opposition. I have often remarked that Meles and his crew believed that opposition leaders are their intellectual inferiors. As Susan Rice, Obama’s current National Security Advisor, observed,  Meles believed those who opposed him are all “fools and idiots”.  Meles made it clear in his public statements that he can outwit, outthink, outsmart, outplay, outfox and outmaneuver his opponents any day of the week. He could. Meles’ acolytes today believe in their master’s teachings and visions. They too believe the opposition is dysfunctional, shiftless and inconsequential, and will never be able to pose a real challenge to their power. They view their opposition as  a bunch of delinquent children who need constant supervision, discipline and punishment to keep them in line. Like children, they will offer some of them candy — jobs, cars, houses — and whatever else it takes to buy their silence, if not their support. Those they cannot buy, they will intimidate, jail, prosecute or place under continuous surveillance and harass relentlessly.
The fact of the matter is that the Ethiopian opposition inside the country and in the Diaspora is terribly fragmented. Some opposition leaders are more concerned about their own power position than the dangers faced by the nation. They are unwilling to make genuine commitments to a common platform, unite and oppose a formidable common adversary. The opposition lacks the resources to counter the unlimited financial resources of the “EPDRF”. Opposition journalists are jailed and harassed. Even young bloggers are jacked up on silly terrorism charges. There is no civil society. To eliminate any traces of organized urban opposition, the regime has uprooted urban neighborhoods in the name of development. If push comes to shove, Meles’ minions will execute their master’s master plan. Meles once told an American diplomat, “We will crush the opposition with all our might.” The  TPLF (sorry, I meant the “EPDRF”) will “win” the 2015 “election” by push or crush.

The BIG known unknowns, unknown unknowns?

Former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld sometimes liked to speak in conundrums (riddles). He said, “there are things that we know that we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns, the ones we don’t know we don’t know.”
It is a known known that Meles was the brains and the brawns in the “EPDRF” operation (he single-handedly created the “EPDRF”). We know he was not only the “commander-in-chief” but also “strategist-cum-tactician-cum-guru-in-chief”. It is known that the combined intellectual capacity of all of Meles’ minions will not approximate four-tenths of Meles’ intellectual candlepower.
It is a  known unknown that there is no one in the “EPDRF” today who could replace Meles. Hailemariam Desalegn, the ceremonial prime minster in Ethiopia, once declared that he will never be able to “fill Meles’ shoes”. He is right. No one in the “EPDRF” can! It is a known unknown who will indeed fill Meles’ role if not his shoes in 2015.  (I think I know that known unknown.) The known unknowns are those things simmering behind the curtains of power in a regime that is legendary for its absolute secrecy. It is an unknown unknown how much infighting there is or has been since Meles’ death among the various TPLF factions. Those who claim to know the unknown unknown say the only thing keeping the various factions in the TPLF together is pure economic interest. They say the  only thing that is keeping the infighting within TPLF from exploding openly is the unwritten code of honor among thieves. Thou shalt not war with another thief for there are no winners in a war among thieves. There is much known unknowns about the inner workings of the TPLF power core. Unfortunately, those who know the unknowns do not talk and those who talk do not know the unknowns.

What will the donors and loaners do in the 2015  election?

The donors and loaners will do nothing to help or ensure that the 2015 election will be free and fair. They could not care less. They want an election drama, not  free and fair elections. They have their own old script to follow. In June 2010, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Speaking Truth to Strangers.” It was about the “hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil” attitude of the loaners and donors towards Meles and his regime. “Zenawi has cultivated and foisted the ‘stability’ canard on the Western donors for years. He has tried to convince them that he is the glue that keeps the 80 million Ethiopians from exploding into ethnic warfare and civil war. The donors know it is all a grim fairy tale, but they go along with it.”
The facts speak for themselves. The US, Britain and the European Union have poured in tens of billions of dollars of aid to support his regime for nearly two decades while pontificating about democracy and human rights in Ethiopia endlessly. They took no action when Meles personally ordered the massacre of hundreds of unarmed demonstrators in 2005. They pursed their lips when he passed a so-called press law criminalizing free speech and the free press. They moaned and groaned a little when he passed so-called anti-terrorism and civic society laws that effectively banned civic organizations and suppressed dissent. They have taken absolutely no action against the Meles regime to show restraint despite a quarter century record of uninterrupted gross human rights violations and criminality. Incredibly, these forked-tongue shameless “diplocrites” (practitioners of human rights hypocrisy by diplomacy) have sought to escape moral culpability by dumping  the blame on the opposition. They say, “There is no viable alternative in the opposition.” They know full well that the opposition is subjected to daily threats, intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions and violence, yet they have mustered the brazen audacity to blame the victims of tyranny for being ‘not viable’.

Why there can never be free and fair elections in Ethiopia  under the present regime

One cannot squeeze blood from turnip. One cannot squeeze democracy from dictatorship. The transition from “bushcraft” to statecraft requires tectonic transformations. Democratic statecraft requires an appreciation, understanding and application of basic democratic principles such as the rule of law, separation of powers, checks and balances and constitutionalism in the governance process. The TPLF dictators have little experience with or practical understanding of such principles. They never had free elections in the bush. Upholding the rule of law is absurd to them because they believe themselves to be THE LAW. Their ultimate justification for clinging to power is that they have made “sacrifices in the bush”. They expect those who oppose them to go in to the bush and fight their way to power. They scoff at civil liberties and civil rights as Western luxuries because they never lived in a system where the powers of government are constitutionally subordinated to the rights of the individual. In short, it is wishful thinking to expect the kind of statecraft necessary for democratic governance from a gang of  hateful ignoramuses from the bush.  Goethe observed, “There is nothing more frightful than ignorance in action.” Behold the overlords of Ethiopia today!

Sitting on a powder keg

The TPLF (“EPDRF”)  is sitting on a powder keg. Its leaders filled with hubris and arrogance are blinded to the fact that the ethnic fires they stoked will one day consume them. The hate, fear and loathing they have nurtured will one day turn against them. They believe they can go on forever clinging to power by pitting one ethnic group against another, one religion against another.    They may be able to fool all of the ethnic groups some of the time and some of the ethnic groups all of the time, but they can’t fool all of the ethnic groups all of the time.
The great African American author James Baldwin wrote, “Hatred, which could destroy so much, never failed to destroy the man who hated, and this was an immutable law.”
Let those in power in Ethiopia heed an old prophesy told in the lyrics of a song of African slaves from the harrowing days of slavery in America: “God gave Noah the Rainbow Sign: No more water. The fire next time!”
Vote Out Tyranny in Ethiopia 2015!
Victory Over Tyranny in Ethiopia in 2015!
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:

U.N. expecting to feed 6.5 million Ethiopians this year


(Reuters) – The World Food Programme will help to feed nearly 6.5 million Ethiopians this year, the U.N. agency said on Tuesday, with the country hit by locusts, neighboring war and sparse rainfall.The logo of the United Nations is seen on the outside of their headquarters in New York
“We are concerned because there is the beginning of a locust invasion in the eastern part of the country, and if it’s not properly handled it could be of concern for the pastoralist population living there,” WFP spokeswoman Elizabeth Byrs told a U.N. briefing in Geneva.
“And in the northern part of Ethiopia there has been less rain than average for the third or fourth consecutive year.”
Ethiopia is also dealing with growing refugee numbers due to the conflict in neighboring South Sudan, sapping WFP’s budget for feeding new arrivals in the country, which is at risk of a shortfall as soon as next month.
More than 120,000 South Sudanese have crossed over into Ethiopia in the past six months, mostly women and children who are arriving “famished, exhausted and malnourished”, WFP said in a statement.
The recent influx has brought total refugee numbers to 500,000 in Ethiopia. The U.N. also provides food for millions of needy or undernourished Ethiopians, including 670,000 school children and 375,000 in HIV/AIDS programs.
Ethiopia’s overall situation has vastly improved over recent years and the economy now ranks as one of the fastest growing in Africa. But deep problems remain.
Malnutrition has stunted the growth of two out of every five Ethiopian children and reduced the country’s workforce by 8 percent, WFP said, citing Ethiopian government data.
The International Monetary Fund expects Ethiopia’s economy to grow 7.5 percent in each of the next two fiscal years but says the government needs to encourage more private sector investment to prevent growth rates from falling thereafter.
(Reporting by Tom Miles Editing by Jeremy Gaunt)

Cooperation for Fragmentation: Reflection on Ethiopians Conceptualization of Freedom and Independence


by Tsegaye Tegenu, PhD
I understand Ethiopians concept of freedom as to mean not to be restricted by others and not to be dependent on others. Since freedom is attained through community, we cooperate with others for the purpose of keeping our individual right to determine own actions. There is a relation between social co-operation and individual independence and freedom. In our case social cooperation is done for the purpose of ensuring our individual independence and right of doing whatever we love to do. We do not cooperate with those who do not respect our thoughts and actions. It is the individual and not the society which is the source of cooperation. If we want, we can scale up the individual right and independence to family,
community, ethnic and country levels. Injustice can easily be perceived, sensed and feel because we see no difference between us as individuals and the community we love. In scaling up process the essence is still the love for own freedom and independence, which is the mother of all kinds of social cooperation.
This habit of behavior and mindset has implication for economic development. Under the current Ethiopian economic situation and the state of the global economy, freedom means the right to specialization and interdependence. Cooperation is needed for interdependence and not for the promotion of individual independence. My view is that we find ourselves at a time in which the Ethiopian society needs organic cooperation and not the usual mechanical
cooperation grounded on the tradition of preserving individual independence.
I will try to ground my simple observation on empirical evidence which I analyzed in my research works. My first evidence comes from my current observation on the mechanism of economic progress in Ethiopia. Economic activities are chosen and organized in the Ethiopian society along the lines of two types of living organisms: rural households and firms in urban centers. The rural households are based on the land economy, while firms are based on capital/wage employment economy. I use the term living organism as a reference to underline their capability to response, self preserve, reproduce, grow and self-regulate in the process of resource creation and use in the society.
According to the recent 2012/13 agricultural sample survey of CSA (Central Statistical Agency) of Ethiopia, there are over 15 million agricultural households cultivating 17,5 million hectors of land. According to CSA definition “a household is considered an agricultural household when at least one member of the household is engaged in growing crops and/or raising livestock in private or in combination with others.” Be it a one person ousehold or a multi-person household (in fact over 90 percent is a multi person household), the person/s living in the household makes provision for their own living.
In rural Ethiopia households are a self-organizing beings. In my research I defined a household as a group of people who are organized themselves into families to occupy a separate farming and dwelling unit. Rural households are both a consumption and production units. The most important concerns of households is the security of household food supplies and cash needs. I have used different methods to standardize their consumption requirements and to estimate the quantity of resource needs. For example, a household can provide an average of four adult-equivalent labor and needs an average of four hector land to maintain the level of output needed for reproduction (an average of 12,8 quintal per subsistence household per year). The rural households are similar in purposes and live side by side. The question is what happens to their input and output proportional requirements and ratio as the their number increases over time.
Increase in Household Numbers in Rural Ethiopia, 1984-2013
As shown in Figure 1 in between 1984 and 2005 the household number increased by an average of 7,8% per year. Annually many new subsistence households are established and in a matter of one generation the number of agricultural households has more than doubled. The multiplication of the subsistence households increases the consumption requirements and land demand of the households and the number of subsistence labor. As their number and resource needs increases over time, the households intensified their co-operation for existence. The cooperation takes different forms including labor exchange, share cropping and land rent. For detailed empirical study you can down load our village report from http://people.su.se/~bmalm/Sodo.pdf.
As the household multiplied economic resources are fragmented and social cooperation is used as a means for peaceful existence of independent and self provisioning households. In cases where social cooperation could not manage the severity of resource scarcity, we observe armed conflicts, internal and international migration.
Experiences of other countries show that as the population growth pressure increases, there should be an increase in division of labor and specialization to introduce technology and increase labor productivity and mass production. What we observe in rural Ethiopia is the reverse: staunch effort to preserve the self provision mechanism and independent existence of the households. The EPDRF government is investing close to 15 billion Birr in this process of fragmentation with hope of changing the tide. What is at the root of all the household, however, is the freedom to be self sufficient (not to be dependent on others and not to be restricted by markets). What the evidence in the last 30 years show is that cooperation, coming from either the village or the state, nurtured the peaceful fragmentation of resources and household multiplications in the country. The household size numbering 15 million did not happen by miracle. Independent minded households received support from villages and governments. Rural household labor does not think what to specialize and how to be interdependent with others (market thinking). They prefer independence against the advantages of market interdependence.
My research experience in studying the habitual behavior of the business people and industrial firms is limited. Last year in Addis Ababa I presented a paper in a seminar and workshop on promoting industrial development in Ethiopia. I discussed about the construction of Special Economic Zones and Clusters and what Ethiopia can learn from Asian and European experiences. In a discussion following my presentation, a person whom claims to have many years of experience in the business sector and who himself is actively working for the promotion of the private sector in Ethiopia dismissed the relevance of cluster idea (geographical concentrations of economic and innovation activities) to Ethiopian conditions.
In my presentation I emphasized internal linkages, whereby cluster gains are furthered by local firm cooperation (joint action), local institutions and local social capital. Contrary to my model, the person underlined the need for industrial firms to work independently without trying to elaborate the advantages of operating in isolation. Since I understand the behavior of suspicion on claims and zero-sum cognition, I did not see any point in challenging his belief. I came to learn that I have to marshal a vast array of empirical evidence to convincingly argue about the advantages clusters in enhancing the individual capacities of small firms to access markets, acquire skills, knowledge, credit and information. I took it for granted that business people know from experience the advantages of connections between firms and institutions.
Political cases on the behavior of working independently or cooperating to work independently can be traced back to the Era of Princes (Zemene mesafint). By the beginning of the 19th century territorial aristocrats were dominant both in northern and southern Ethiopia. Kings were puppet in the hands of the territorial princes. For instance, King Tekle
Giorgis was dethroned six times in eleven years (1779-84, 1794-95, 1795-96, 1797-99, 1800). The territorial princes, though they were powerful, did not assume the title of King of Kings for practical reasons. Since regions were geographically very much interdependent, any expansion or contraction of a territorial power was at the expense of the neighboring power. Kings had to intervene to restrain and check conflicts among territorial powers. Kings had the ideological, traditional and legal grounds to intervene and restrain the territorial power. The Era of princes was the best political case of cooperation for fragmentation.
Emperor Tewedros, Yohannes and Menelik tried to standardized the system and created institutional interdependence and specialization. Their efforts of modernizing the political and military institution is currently interpreted as regional domination and ethnic subjugation. What is the point of “discovering the ethnic past” at a time when economic processes both at nation and globally level requires specialization and integration to promote technology and create mass production and employment.
The source lies in our habitual behavior to be independent and self reliance against all odds. What has happened to the multiplication of the rural households can happen to other instances. In fact those who advocate Ethiopian unity are also splintered into different political parties and they create forum or alliance (cooperation) to nurture their respective
organizational independence. Why? I do not mean that they should merge out of love; but I do not see the parties configuring what to specialize and how to be interdependent program wise.
Common to all Ethiopians including myself is the core habit of appreciating individual independence, no matter the level at which we project the idea. I am wondering why our mind remains static or fixed to this habit of “independence” no matter the costs while socioeconomic dynamic shifts overtime requiring new approaches and solutions? Global economy and consequences of population growth in Ethiopia require organic cooperation rather than mechanical cooperation used to nurture territorial/individual independence during the era of princes. In a country where I live (Sweden) administrative and economic actors are working hard to interconnect regions functionally thus making geographical division and administrative boundaries antiquated. Political parties are working on the idea and basis of “class struggle” to create unity among the people and create interdependence between party programs. What is the basis of our concept of freedom and independence? Is this concept fixed or relative changing with time? My view is that in a globalized world functioning on value chains and at a time of massive resource scarcity facing the Ethiopian people, freedom should lead to cooperation, specialization and interdependence.
I have not informally or formally discussed this idea with anyone and I apologize in advance for simplifying such sensitive issue.
For comments I can be reached at: tsegaye.tegenu@epmc.se

የዞን 9 ጦማሪያን ሁለተኛ ክስ ላይ ያለኝ የህግ አስተያየት (በእዮብ መሳፍንት )


1.በህቡዕ መደራጀት
በህቡዕ መደራጀት ወንጀል ነው???
በኢፌድሪ ህገ መንግስት አንቀፅ 31 “ማንኛውም ሰው ለማንኛውም አላማ የመደራጀት መብት አለው፡፡ ሆኖም አግባብ ያለውን ህግ በመጣስ ወይም ህገመንግስታዊ ስርአቱን በህገወጥ መንገድ ለማፍረስ የተመሰረቱ ወይም የተጠቀሱትን ተግባራት የሚያራምዱ ድርጅቶች የተከለከሉ ይሆናሉ” ይላል፡፡ ከዚህ አንቀፅ በግልፅ እንደምንረዳው በህቡዕም ሆነ በግልፅ መደራጀት መብት ነው፡፡ መደራጀት የሚከለከለው “ህግ በመጣስ ወይም ህገመንግስታዊ ስርአቱን በህገወጥ መንገድ ለማፍረስ” ከሆነ ብቻ ነው፡፡ስለሆነም “ፖሊስ” (በተግባር ከሳሹ ኢሃዲግ ቢሆንም) በዞን 9 ጦማሪያን ላይ ባቀረበው ክስ በህቡዕ መደራጀትን በራሱ ወንጀል ለማስመሰል መሞከሩ ከህግ አግባብ ውጪ ብቻ ሳይሆን ህገመንግስቱን የሻረና የናደ ተግባር ነው፡፡ አላማውም ማንኛውንም መደራጀት ማስፈራራትና ሰዎችን ከመደራጀት እንዲቆጠቡ ማድረግ እንደሆነ ግልፅ ነው፡፡Zone 9 bloggers
ሲጀመር ዞን9 የጦማሪያን ስብስብ እንጂ ህጋዊ ሰውነት ያለው የተደራጀ አካል ወይም ድርጅት አይደለም፡፡ ለዚህም ነው አቃቤ ህግ ዞን 9ን በቀጥታ ሊከሰው ያልቻለው (በህግ መሰረት ህጋዊ ሰውነት የሌለውን አካል መክሰስ ስለማይቻል)፡፡ መሰባሰብን እና መደራጀትን በቅድሚያ መለየት ያስፈልጋል፡፡ ሁሉም ስብስብ መደራጀት አይደለም፡፡ከዚህ በፊት በልጆቹ ላይ ፖሊስ መስርቶት የነበረውን “ራሱን የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች ብሎ ከሚጠራ ድርጅት ጋር አብሮ መስራት” የሚለው ክስ እንደማያዋጣ እንደገባው ሁሉ አሁንም ይሄኛው ክስ አያዋጣም፡፡
2. ሁለተኛው የክሱ ነጥብ “ከሽብርተኛ ቡድን ጋር አብሮ መስራት”
ይህ ሽብርተኛ የተባለው ቡድን የትኛው እንደሆነ ባይገለፅም በኢትጲያ ውስጥ ሽብርተኛ የተባሉት ግንቦት 7፣ ኦነግ፤ ኦብነግ እና አልቃይዳ ብቻ ናቸው፡፡ ስለዚህም ልጆቹ ከነዚህ ድርጅቶች ከአንዱ ጋር ሰርተዋል ብሎ ፖሊስ ካመነ ማስረጃ ሊኖረው ይገባል መለት ነው፡፡ ስለዚህም ማስረጃ ላሰባስብ በሚል ፖሊስ ተጨማሪ ጊዜ መጠየቁ አስቂኝ ነው፡፡ መጀመሪያ አስሮ ማስረጃ ማሰባሰብ ማለት ወንጀል መፈብረክ እንጂ ወንጀልን መክሰስ ዐያደለም፡፡
ከነዚህ ከላይ ከጠቀስኳቸው ድርጅቶች ውስጥ አንደኛው የውጭ ሀገር ድርጅት ሌሎቹ ሁለቱ ደግሞ ብሄር ተኮር ድርጅቶች ስለሆኑ ፖሊስ ሊል ያሰበው ምናልባት ግንቦት 7ን ሊሆን ይችላል ወይም ባለፈው ክስ “ራሱን የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች ብሎ ከሚጠራ ድርጅት” ያሉትን ድርጅት ደረጃውን ወደ አሸባሪ ድርጅት ከፍ አርገውት ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ እኔ በግሌ ልጆቹ በብሎጋቸው የፃፉት ሰላምን፤ አንድነትን፤ ፍቅርን፤ የሰባዊ መብት መከበርን፤ ዶሞክራሲን እንጂ አንድም ቀን ሽብርን ሲፅፉ አይቼ አላውቅም፡፡ እነዚህ ነገሮች ሽብር ከተባሉም ሽብር መልካም ነገር እንጂ መጥፎ ነገር አይደለም፡፡
ስለዚህም እጠይቃለሁ የዞን 9 ጦማሪያን ወንጀል ሰርተዋል ብዬ አላምንምና ባስቸኳይ ይፈቱ፡፡

ዓባይ እንደዋዛ “ኢትዮጵያ ሃገሬ ናት፤ ዜግነቴ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው” (ክፍል ሶስት፣ ዶ/ር አክሎግ ቢራራ)


አክሎግ ቢራራ (ዶ/ር)፣ ክፍል ሶስት
ክፍል ሁለት ዓባይና ኢትዮጵያ አንድና የተያያዙ መሆናቸውን ያሳያል። አንድና የተያያዙ ናቸው የሚለውን ሃሳብ ከተቀበልን ዓባይ መላውን የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ እስካገለገለናEthiopia's dam on Abbay/Nile river ኑሮውን እስካሻሻለ ድረስ የኢትዮጵያን ይገባኛልነትና የሚሰሩ መሰረተ ልማቶች መቀበል የኢትዮጵያውያን ግዴታ ነው። ዓባይ የሁሉም ኢትዮጵያውያን ጥሪት መሆኑን አምናለሁ። ጎሳዊ ወይንም ክልላዊ ሃብት አይደለም። ስለሆነም፤ ዓባይን የምንታደገው “ኢትዮጵያ ሃገሬ ናት፤ ዜግነቴ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው” ብለን እንጂ በጎሳ መታወቂያችን አይደለም። ከዚህ ጋር አያይዠ ለማሳሰብ የምፈልጋቸው ብዙ ትችቶች አሉኝ፤ ጥቂቶቹ። አንድ፤ የህወሓት መንግሥት ጎሳዎች እርስ በርሳቸው እንዲጨፋጨፉ ዋና ቀስቃሽ መሆኑ፤ ጭፍጨፋዎችና ዛቻዎች ሲካሄዱ ችላ ማለቱ ኢትዮጵያን ወደ አደገኛ ስርዓት ሰራሽ የእልቂት ጎዳና እየመራት ነው። አንዳንድ የውጭ መንግሥታት ለዚህ የእርስ በርስ ግጭት መጋቢ ሆነዋል። ሁለት፤ ዶር መረራ ጉዲና “የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ምስቅልቅል ጉዞና የሕይወቴ ትዝትዎች” በተባለው ሁሉም ኢትዮጵያውያን ሊያነቡት ይገባል ብየ በምገምተው መጽሃፉ ያቀረበው ትችት ከፊታችን የተደቀነውን አስኳል የፖለቲካ ኃይሎች አሰላለፍ መጠላለፍ በግልፅ ያሳያል። ይኼም፤ ህወሓት ሆነ ብሎ ያገለላቸው አብዛኛውን የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ የሚወክሉ የህብረተሰብ ክፍሎች ጥቃቅንና ከለውጥ በኋላ ሕዝብ ተወያይቶ ሊፈታቸው የሚችለውን ልዩነቶች ወደጎን ትተው ሰብሳቢ ወደሚሆነው ወደ ማህል የሚስብ ዲሞራሳዊ አጀንዳ አለመቅረጻቸው ነው። አብዛኛውን ሕዝብ የሚወክለው “የኦሮሞና የአማራ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ በዋናነት በሁለቱ ጫፎች ላይ ቆሞ ገመድ ከመጎተት ወደ መሃል መጥቶ የጋራ ዲሞክራቲክ አጀንዳ መቅረጽ አልተቻለውም። ብዙዎቹ ሂሳብ የመወራረድ ፖለቲካን የዛሬ 30 እና 40 ዓመታት ብቻ ሳይሆን፤ የዛሬ 130እን 140 ዓመታት በፊት የነበረውም ጭምር እንተሳሰብ የሚሉ ይመስሉኛል። የኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ዋናው ችግራቸው የጋራ የፖለቲካ አጀንዳ ለመቅረፅ ከመጣር ይልቅ ለብቻ የሚደረገው ትግልን የመንግስተ-ሰማያት አስተማማኝ መንገድ አድርግው ማምለካቸው ነው። የአማራው ልሂቃን በሽታው በዋናነት በአማራ ልሂቅ የተፈጠረች የዛሬይቱ ኢትዮጵያ እንደዛው እንድትቀጥል ነው። እምነታቸው መቀጠል ትችላለች ነው።” ከዶር መረራ ትችት ዋና ትምሕርት ነው ብየ የተቀበልኩት የኦሮሞን ልሂቃን የመገንጠል አምልኮ፤ ወይንም የአማራን ልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያን ወደ ነበረችበት ንጉሳዊ ወይንም ደርጋዊ ስርዓት የመመለስ ተልእኮ ሳይሆን የሁለቱ አንጋፋ ሕብረተሰብ ክፍሎች ልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያን ከመገነጣጠልና ከእልቂት አደጋ ለመታደግናን ሕዝቧን ዘላቂና ፍትሃዊ ወዳለው የእድገት መሰላል ለማመቻቸት እየተነጋገሩና እየተወያዩ የጋራ ዲሞክራሳዊ አጀንዳ ለመቅረፅ አለመቻላቸውን ነው። ይኼን ባለማድረጋቸው የውጭ ኃያላን መንግሥታት፤ በተለይ አሜሪካ በተናጥል ለሚያደርጉት ሰላማዊ ሰልፍና ጠበቃነት ዋጋ አልሰጡትም። ወደፊትም ዋጋ የሚሰጡት አይመስለኝም።[ሙሉውን ለማንበብ እዚህ ይጫኑ]

ዶ/ር ሼክስፒር ፈይሳ የሃይለመድህን አበራን ጉዳይ ለመከታተል ወደ ጄኔቫ አመራ


13 may 2014 (EMF ) የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ ረዳት ፓይለት ሃይለመድህን አበራን ጉዳይ ለመከታተል ኢትዮጵያዊው የህግ ባለሞያ ዶ/ር ሼክስፒር ፈይሳ ባለፈው ሳምንት ወደ ጄኔቭ-ስዊዘርላንድ ተጉዟል።
Ethiopian lawyer Shakespear Feyissa in Switzerland
ዶ/ር ሼክስፒር ፈይሳ ጄኔቭ-ስዊዘርላንድ
ሼክስፒር ፈይሳ የረዳት ፓይለቱን ጉዳይ ከሚኖርበት ከሲያትል ከተማ በቅርብ ሲከታተል ቆይቶ ነው ወደ ጄኔቭ ያመራው። ጄኔቭ እንደደረሰም የሃይለመድህን አበራን ጠበቃና ጉዳዩን ከሚከታተሉ አካላት ጋር በስፋት ተወያይቷል። በተለይ ከረዳት ፓይለቱ ጠበቃ ጋር ረጅም ሰዓታት በመውሰድ በበርካታ የህግና የቴክኒክ ጉዳዮች ላይ በጥልቅ ተነጋግሯል።
ረዳት ፓይለቱ ሙሉ በሙሉ ጤነኛ እንደሆነም ለማወቅ ተችሏል።
ኢትዮጵያዊ የህግና እንዳስፈለጊነቱ የህክምና ባለሞያዎች ጋር እንዲገናኝም ዶ/ር ሼክስፒር ምክር ሰጥቷል።
የረዳት ፓይለቱ ጠበቃ የስዊስ መንግስት ሃይለመድህን አበራን ለኢትዮጵያ አሳልፎ እንደማይሰጥና ግዚያዊ የስደት ፈቃድ እንዲሰጠው ውሳኔ መተላለፉን ያረጋገጠ ሲሆን – ጉዳዩ በቅርብ ጊዜ በሚሰየመው ግልጽ ችሎት እልባት እንደሚያገኝ አመላክቷል።
የሃይለመድህን አበራን ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ለማስመለስ በአቶ አስመላሽ ወልደ-ስላሴ የተመራ ከፍተኛ የኢህአዴግ ቡድን ጄኔቭ፣ ከርሞ ጥያቄው በስዊዘርላንድ መንግስት ውድቅ መደረጉ ይታወሳል።
ቡድኑ የስዊስ ፌዴሬሽን የህግ አካላትን ለማሳመን ካቀረበው ምክንያት ዋነኛው፣ ረዳት ፓይለት ሃይለመድህን አበራ የአእምሮ በሽተኛ መሆኑን እና ይህንንም የራሱ ቤተሰብ አባላት እንዳረጋገጡላቸው ገልጸዋል። የስዊዝ መንግስት ግን ጥያቄውን ውድቅ አድርጎታል። ለዚህም የሰጠው ዋነኛ ምክንያት፤ የሞት ፍርድን ተግባራዊ ለሚያደርግ መንግስት ማንንም አሳልፌ አልሰጥም የሚል ሲሆን ይህ ባይሆንም፣ በስዊዘርላንድ እና በኢትዮጵያ መሃል ተጠርጣሪ እስረኛን የማስመለስ ውል የለም ብለዋል።Ethiopian lawyer Shakespear Feyissa
ረዳት ፓይለቱ ለግዜው ሰው ማግኘት እንደማይፈልግ የተነገረ ሲሆን: ወንድሙ ዶ/ር እንዳላማው አበራ እና በጀርመን የምትኖር እህቱ ሃይማኖት አበራ ጄኔቭ ድረስ በመሄድ ሃይለመድህን አበራን ከሚገኝበት እስር ቤት ጎብኝተውታል።
ወጣት ሃይለመድህን አበራ ባለፈው የካቲት 10፣ 2006 ዓ.ም. የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ ንብረት የሆነውን ቦይንግ 767 አግቶ ጄኔቭ ስዊዘርላንድ ላይ በማሳረፍ እዚያው የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት መጠየቁ ይታወሳል። የአለም ዜና ርዕስ ሁሉ ትኩረት ስቦ የነበረው ይህ ልዩ ክስተት የኢትዮጵያን የሰብአዊ መብት ሁኔታና የአስተዳደር በደል አደባባይ በማውጣቱ የገዢው ፓርቲ አባላትን እጅግ እንዳበሳጨ ይነገራል።
አንዳንድ መገናኘ ብዙሃን እንደገለጹት የአጎቱ ድንገተኛ ህልፈት ርዳት ፓይለቱን አስቆጥቶት ነበር። የሃይለመድህን አበራ አጎት፤ ዶ/ር እምሩ ሥዩም ህይወት በድንገት ማለፍ ለብዙዎች ያልተፈታ እንቆቅልሽ ነው። ዶ/ር እምሩ ሥዩም የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ መምህር ነበሩ።
በአለም ዙሪያ ያሉ ኢትዮጵያውያን ወጣቱ ፓይለት ሃይለመድህን አበራን መደገፋቸውን እንደቀጠሉ ሲሆን በረዳት ፓይለቱ ስም የተከፈቱ ድረ-ገጾች እና የፌስቡክ መድረኮች ላይ አሁንም ሰፊ ዘመቻ በማድረግ ላይ ይገኛሉ።
ዶ/ር ሼክስፒር ፈይሳ በረዳቱ ጉዳይ ላይ ማንኛውንም ትብብር ለማድረግ ቃል የገባ ሲሆን የስዊስ ጠበቆችም በዚህ ከክፍያ ነጸ የሆነ ትብብሩ አድናቆታቸውን ገልጸዋል።

ደቡብ ሱዳን – የሰላም ድርድር ወይስ ቁማር? “ካልፈረማችሁ ለICC አሳልፈን እንሰጣችኋለን” ሃይለማርያም


Ethiopia South Sudan

የደቡብ ሱዳን ፕሬዚዳንት ሳልቫ ኪር ስምምነቱን የማይፈርሙ ከሆነ ጠ/ሚ/ር ሃይለማርያም ለዓለምአቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድቤት (ICC) አሳልፈው እንደሚሰጧቸው መግለጻቸውን በጁባ የጎልጉል ምንጭ አስታወቁ፡፡ ሱዳን ትሪቢዩን በበኩሉ ስምምነቱ የማይፈረም ከሆነ እስር እንደሚጠብቃቸው ሃይለማርያም ለሳልቫ ኪር መናገራቸውን ምንጮቹን ጠቅሶ ዘግቧል፡፡ አርብ የተፈጸመው የስምምነት ፊርማ ገና ሳይደርቅ ሁለቱም ኃይላት ወደ እርስበርስ ውጊያው ተመልሰው በመግባት እየተካሰሱ ነው፡፡
እጅግ ደም አፋሳሽ በሆነውና ለበርካታ ዜጎች መፈናቀል ምክንያት የሆነው የደቡብ ሱዳን የእርስበርስ ጦርነት ከጥቂት ቀናት በፊት አዲስ አበባ ላይ በፊርማ ሲጸድቅ ብዙ ተስፋ የተጣለበት ነበር፡፡ ሆኖም ስምምነቱ ከተጽዕኖ ባለፈ መልኩ በዕለቱ በፊርማ ካልጸደቀ ሳልቫ ኪርንም ሆነ ሬክ ማቻርን ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ለዓለምአቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድቤት አሳልፈው እንደሚሰጧቸው የተነገራቸው መሆኑን የጎልጉል ምንጭ ከጁባ አስረድተዋል፡፡ ሳልቫ ኪር ወደ ጁባ ከተመለሱ በኋላ ከካቢኔያቸውና ቅርብ አማካሪዎቻቸው ጋር በተነጋገሩ ወቅት በስምምነቱ ወቅት የነበረውን ሁኔታ ባስረዱበት ወቅት መናገራቸውን የመረጃው አቀባይ ለጎልጉልአስታውቀዋል፡፡ ሁኔታው ለደቡብ ሱዳን እጅግ አሳፋሪ ከመሆኑ የተነሳ ደቡብ ሱዳን አምባሳደሯን ከኢትዮጵያ እስከማስወጣት እንዳሳሰባት ጨምሮ ተገልጾዋል፡፡
በበርካታ ወንጀሎች የሚጠየቁት ኪርና ማቻር ማስፈራራሪያውን በቀላሉ እንደማይመለከቱት መገመት የሚቻል ሲሆን በሌላ በኩል ኢህአዴግ ወንጀል በመሥራትና በማሰራት አገር ውስጥ የለመደውን የማጠልሸት ዘዴ በጎረቤት አገሮችም ላይ በመጠቀም የበላይነቱን መግለጹ ስምምነቱን “የሰላም ድርድር ወይስ ቁማር?” ተብሎ እንዲጠየቅ የሚያስገድድ መሆኑን አንዳንድ ወገኖች ያስረዳሉ፡፡
ሱዳን ትሪቢዩን በበኩሉ ሳልቫ ኪርን ጠቅሶ እንደዘገበው ስምምነቱ በማስፈራራትና በተጽዕኖ የተካሄደ መሆኑን ዘግቧል፡፡ “ጠ/ሚ/ሩ ለሬክ ሲነግረው ስምምነቱን ዛሬ ሳትፈርሙ ከዚህ አትወጡም ብሎት ነበር ለእኔ ደግሞ ሰነዱን ካልፈረምክ አስርሃለሁ” በማለት አስፈራርተዋቸው እንደነበር ሳልቫ ኪር መናገራቸውን ዘግቧል፡፡ ሳልቫ ኪር ከሬክ ማቻር ጋር ፊት ለፊት ተገናኝተው ምንም ዓይነት ውይይት ሳያደርጉ ለፊርማ ብቻ መተያየታቸውንም ተናግረዋል፡፡ssudan1
የሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ እውነተኛ ባለሥልጣንነትና ተጽዕኖ አድራጊነት የታየበት ይህ ስምምነት በኢህአዴግ ውስጥ በምን ዓይነት መልኩ እንደሚቀጥል የሚያወያይ እንደሆነ አስተያየት ተሰጥቶበታል፡፡ አስተያየቱን ከሰጡ መካከል እንዳሉት “ሃይለማርያም ይህንን ማስፈራሪያ ሲሰጡ በአጠገባቸው የነበሩት የህወሃት ባለሥልጣናት እነማን ይሆኑ በማለት በዓይነ ልቦናዬ ሳስብ ነበር፡፡ እነ በረከት፣ ደብረጽዮን፣ … ሳልኳቸው” የሚሉት አስተያየት ሰጪ ሲቀጥሉ “ጠ/ሚ/ሩ በነካ እጃቸው የሕዝብን ድምጽ የሚያፍኑትን፣ ኦሮሞውን በየቦታው እየገደሉ ደሙን የሚጠጡትን፣ አማራውን ለዘመናት ከኖረበት እያፈናቀሉ መሄጃ ያሳጡትን፣ አኙዋኮችን ያረዱትን፣ ኦጋዴኖችን ያጋዩትን፣ ተናገራችሁ፣ ጻፋችሁ በማለት እስርቤት እስኪጠብ ሃሳቡ የገለጸውን ሁሉ ለስቃይና ስደት የዳረጉትን፣ … ወንጀለኞች እንዲሁ ግፋችሁን ካላቆማችሁ ቃሊቲ ወይም ዝዋይ ወይም … እወረውርሃለሁ ብለው አንዴ እንኳን በማስፈራራት ጠ/ሚ/ር መሆናቸውን ቢያሳዩን ብዬ ተመኘሁ” ብለዋል፡፡
በተጽዕኖና ማስፈራሪያ የተፈረመው የደቡብ ሱዳን ስምምነት ፊርማ ገና ሳደርቅ ሁለቱም ወገኖች ተኩስ አቁሙን ጥሰው ፍልሚያቸውን ቀጥለዋል፡፡ እርስበርስም እየተካሰሱ ይገኛሉ፡፡ እሁድ ዕለት የሳልቫ ኪር ኃይሎች በከባድ መሣሪያ የታገዘ የምድር ጥቃት እንደሰነዘሩባቸው የማቻር ኃይሎች ይናገራሉ፡፡ የኪር መንግሥት በበኩሉ ማቻር ስምምነቱን ላለመፈረም በመፈለግ ተቃውሞ ሲያሰማ የነበረ ነው በማለት ዶ/ር ሬክ ማቻርን ይከስሳሉ፡፡
ማቆሚያ የሌለው የሚመስለውና እስካሁን በሺዎች የሚቀቆጠር ህይወትን የቀጠፈውና ለ1.2 ሚሊዮን ዜጎች መፈናቀል ምክንያት የሆነው ጦርነት ወደ ሰላም የመድረሱ ምኞት እየራቀ የሄደ ይመስላል፡፡ ኢህአዴግ ማስፈራሪያ፣ ዛቻ፣ ቁማር፣ … ቢጠቀምም ህልሙ ቅዠት ሆኖበታል፡
http://www.goolgule.com/south-sudan-peace-deal-signed-under-pressure/