By Reuters
Dubai - Saudi authorities rounded up thousands of illegal foreign workers at the start of a nationwide crackdown ultimately aimed at creating more jobs for locals, media reported on Tuesday.
Hundreds of thousands of workers have already left the kingdom following a grace period of seven months during which authorities told expatriates that if they did not fix their legal status they had to leave the country or face jail.
The government hopes that reducing the number of illegal workers will create opportunities for Saudi job-seekers. The official Saudi unemployment rate is 12 percent but excludes a large number of citizens who say they are not seeking a job.
However, the majority of the kingdom’s nine million foreigners are unskilled laborers or domestic workers, jobs usually shunned by Saudis.
“Since early (Monday) morning, the security campaign got off to a vigorous start as inspectors swung into action,” Nawaf al-Bouq, a police spokesman, told Saudi Gazette newspaper.
Police carried out raids on businesses, markets and residential areas to catch expatriates whose visas are invalid because they are not working for the company that ‘sponsored’ their entry into the kingdom.
For a second day on Tuesday parts of the capital Riyadh were unusually empty as many expatriates stayed at home to avoid potential arrest.
CHALLENGE
Raising private sector employment in a country where most Saudis are in government jobs and where businesses employ more foreigners than locals is a major challenge for the kingdom.
Bouq told the paper that at least 1,899 illegal workers had been arrested in the Red Sea port city of Jeddah.
The paper also said police had arrested at least 2,200 people in the southwestern city of Samta, 379 in the Eastern Province and hundreds of others in other cities.
In Jeddah, dozens of Indonesian workers, mostly women, staged a sit-in to pressure the authorities to hasten their deportation, according to Arab News newspaper.
Many workers cannot leave the country because they lack official papers, including passports, the paper said.
The remittances sent home by expatriates in Saudi Arabia are often vital for their own nations, which include Yemen, Ethiopia, the Philippines, Indonesia, India, Pakistan and Egypt.
Saudi Arabia’s mass expulsion of Yemeni workers in 1990 in retaliation for Sanaa’s support of Iraq after it invaded Kuwait contributed to an economic collapse that accelerated the impoverished Arab country’s 1994 civil war.
For decades, Saudi authorities ignored irregularities such as working for firms that had not sponsored their visas or in trades other than those listed on their immigration documents.
That spurred a black market in which foreigners overstayed visas, set up illegal businesses or took low-paid jobs in areas where authorities wanted Saudi workers hired on higher salaries.
This thwarted implementation of wide-ranging labor reforms to penalize companies for hiring more foreigners than locals.
Thursday, November 7, 2013
የማለዳ ወግ: ሳውዲ አረቢያ እና ዘንድሮ … እንዲህም ይኖራል!
ከነብዩ ሲራክ (ጋዜጠኛ)
መስዋዕትነት መክፈል ካለብኝ ዝግጁ ነኝ ! ስለእኔ አትዘኑ !
እለተ ሰኞ – ጥቅምት ሊሸኝ ህዳር ሊገባ የቀሩት ጥቂት ቀናት ብቻ ናቸው። በሳውዲ አረቢያ በህጋዊ መንገድ ገብተው ከአሰሪዎቻቸው ጋር ባለመግባባትና ፈርጀ ብዙ በሆነ ምክንያት መኖሪያ ፍቃድ የተበላሸባቸው ማደስ እንዲችሉ፣ ከአሰሪዎቻቸው ጠፍተው ያለ ህጋዊ ሰነድ በግል ሲሰሩ ለነበ ፣ ከአምስት አመታት በፊት በህጋዊ መንገድ በሃጅ በኡምራ ገብተው ወደ ሃገራቸው ሳይመለሱ በህገ ወጥ መንገድ ያለ መኖሪያ ፈቃድ በሳውዲ የሚኖሩትን ወደ ሁለት ሚሊዮን የሚቆጠሩ የተለያዩ ሃገር ዜጎች ህጋዊ ሰንዳቸውን እንዲያስተካክሉ የሚፈቅደው አዋጅ ተጠናቋል። የጭንቁ ቀን ቀርቧል!
የሳውዲ መንግስት ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ የሰጠው የምህረት ሲጠናቀቅ ህገ ወጥ ተብለው የተፈረጁ በሳውዲ የሚኖሩ የተለያዩ ሃገር ዜጎች ከተያዙ የሁለት አመት እስራት እና የሳውዲ ሪያል 100. 000 ( አንድ መቶ ሽ የሳውዲ ሪያል በግምት ግማሽ ሚሊዮን የኢትዮጵያ ብር) ቅጣት እንደሚጣል አስታውቋል ! …የምህረት አዋጁ ማለቁን ተከትሎ ከፍተኛ ፍተሻ እንደሚደረግ መንግስት ጠንከር ጠንከር ያሉ መግለጫዎችን ሰጥቷል። የውጭ ዜጎች በብዛት የሚገኙባቸውን የሳውዲ ከተሞች እስከ ደንበር የገጠር መንደሮች በልዩ ልዩ ሞተር ሳይክሎች መኪኖች እና ሂሊኮፕተር ሳይቀር በመጠቀም ፍተሻውን እንደሚያጠናክር አስታውቋል ። መንግስት በዚሁ አሰሳና አፈሳ ስራ ተሳታፊ የሚሆኑ የመንግስት ሚኒስትር መስሪያቤት በዋናነት ከሰራተኛ ሚኒስትር ። በፖሊስ እና ከደህንነት በተውጣጡ ኮሚቴዎች ስልጠና ሰጥቶ ፍተሻውን እንደሚያከሂድ ያስታወቀበት ቀን ደርሷል ። በማስጠንቀቂያው ህገወጥ የተባሉትን ብቻ ሳይሆን ህገ ወጥ የተባሉተን ማስጠጋት በራሱ ከከፍተኛ ገንዘብ ቅጣት ከሃገር እሰከ መባረር የሚያደርስ እርምጃ ይወሰድበታል የሚል ተደጋጋሚ ማስጠንቀቂያ መሰጠቱ በእርግጥም ከሰባት ሚሊዮን በላይ ለሚሆነው የውጭ ዜጋ አስፈሪና አሳሳቢ ጉዳይ ነው!
በተፈራው ቀን ሰኞ ጅዳ ከወትሮው በተለየ ጸጥና ረጭ ብላለች ፣ ግህ እንደቀደደ በማለዳው ልጆቸን ይዠ ወደ ጅዳ የኢትዮጵያን አለም አቀፍ ትምህርት ቤት ተጓዝኩ። በትምህርት ቤቱ ስደርስ የምህረት አዋጁን ማብቃት ተከትሎ መምህራን እና ሰራተኞች ባለመምጣታቸው ተረዳሁ። ትንሽ ቆየት እንዳለኩ በስጋት ላይ የነበረው የ3000 ታዳጊዎች የትምህርት ማዕከል መማር ማስተማር ሂደት በትምህርት ቤቱ አስተዳደር፣ በኮሚኒቲና በመንግስት ተወካዮች የቅርብ ክትትልና ግልጽነት ያለው አካሔድ አለመከተል መኮላሸቱ አበሳጭቶ ቀኔን አጨልሞ ጀመረው! ከሃገረ ጀርምን ትናነት ምሽት ያረፉትን የምሰራበት ኩባንያ የስራ ባልደረቦቸን ፊቴ በርቶ እንዳልቀበላቸው ምክንያት የሆነኝን ትምህርት ቤት ልጆቸን ወደ ቤት ከመለስኩ በኋላ በትካዜ ወደ ቢሮየ አመራሁ…!
(ነብዩ ሲራክ)
እለተ ማክሰኞ – ከአመት እስከ አመት ሞቅና ደመቅ ያለ እንቅስቃሴ በሚታይባቸው የጅዳ ፣ የመካ ፣ የመዲናና ዋና ከተማዋ ሪያድ ወትሮ የነበረው እንቅስቃሴ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ የቀነሰ ሲሆን የተወረሩ ከተማ መስለው መታየታቸው ተጠቅሷል። በመንግስት ጠንካራ ፍተሻ ግራ የተጋቡ ዜጎች በአፈሳና ፍተሻው ፍርሃቻ ከቤት ባለመውጣት ጊዜውን በማሳለፍ ላይ ሲሆኑ በውጭ ዜጎች ይንቀሳቀሱ የነበሩ ሱቆች እና አንዳንድ ግልጋሎት መስጫዎች በመዘጋታቸውም ከተሞቹ ጸጥና እረጭ እንዲሉ በማድረግ በንግድ ልውውጡ ላይ ከፍተኛ ተጽእኖ ማሳደራቸውን መገናኛ ብዙሃን ሳይቀር በመዘገብ ላይ ናቸው ። የምህረት አዋጁን በመጠቀም እንድም መኖሪያ ፈቃድ አለያም የመውጫ ሰነድ ማግኘት ያልቻሉ ኢትዮጵያውያንን ጨምሮ የተለያዩ ሃገር ዜጎች ለጉዳያቸው መጓተት ሰበቦች የሳውዲ መንግስትን መስሪያ ቤቶች የተቆላለፈ ቢሮክራሲያዊ አሰራር እና የየሃገራቸው ቆንስልና ኢንባሲ ጽህፈት ቤቶችንም ሰነዶችን በጊዜ አለማቅረብ እንደሆነ ገልጸውልኛል ። ይህም ለአሁኑ አፈሳውና መዋከቡ አደጋ እንደጣላቸው ተጨናንቀውና ተስፋ ቆርጠው በምሬት ሲናገሩ መስማት በራሱ ያማል …
መስዋዕትነት መክፈል ካለብኝ ዝግጁ ነኝ ! ስለእኔ አትዘኑ !
እለተ ሰኞ – ጥቅምት ሊሸኝ ህዳር ሊገባ የቀሩት ጥቂት ቀናት ብቻ ናቸው። በሳውዲ አረቢያ በህጋዊ መንገድ ገብተው ከአሰሪዎቻቸው ጋር ባለመግባባትና ፈርጀ ብዙ በሆነ ምክንያት መኖሪያ ፍቃድ የተበላሸባቸው ማደስ እንዲችሉ፣ ከአሰሪዎቻቸው ጠፍተው ያለ ህጋዊ ሰነድ በግል ሲሰሩ ለነበ ፣ ከአምስት አመታት በፊት በህጋዊ መንገድ በሃጅ በኡምራ ገብተው ወደ ሃገራቸው ሳይመለሱ በህገ ወጥ መንገድ ያለ መኖሪያ ፈቃድ በሳውዲ የሚኖሩትን ወደ ሁለት ሚሊዮን የሚቆጠሩ የተለያዩ ሃገር ዜጎች ህጋዊ ሰንዳቸውን እንዲያስተካክሉ የሚፈቅደው አዋጅ ተጠናቋል። የጭንቁ ቀን ቀርቧል!
የሳውዲ መንግስት ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ የሰጠው የምህረት ሲጠናቀቅ ህገ ወጥ ተብለው የተፈረጁ በሳውዲ የሚኖሩ የተለያዩ ሃገር ዜጎች ከተያዙ የሁለት አመት እስራት እና የሳውዲ ሪያል 100. 000 ( አንድ መቶ ሽ የሳውዲ ሪያል በግምት ግማሽ ሚሊዮን የኢትዮጵያ ብር) ቅጣት እንደሚጣል አስታውቋል ! …የምህረት አዋጁ ማለቁን ተከትሎ ከፍተኛ ፍተሻ እንደሚደረግ መንግስት ጠንከር ጠንከር ያሉ መግለጫዎችን ሰጥቷል። የውጭ ዜጎች በብዛት የሚገኙባቸውን የሳውዲ ከተሞች እስከ ደንበር የገጠር መንደሮች በልዩ ልዩ ሞተር ሳይክሎች መኪኖች እና ሂሊኮፕተር ሳይቀር በመጠቀም ፍተሻውን እንደሚያጠናክር አስታውቋል ። መንግስት በዚሁ አሰሳና አፈሳ ስራ ተሳታፊ የሚሆኑ የመንግስት ሚኒስትር መስሪያቤት በዋናነት ከሰራተኛ ሚኒስትር ። በፖሊስ እና ከደህንነት በተውጣጡ ኮሚቴዎች ስልጠና ሰጥቶ ፍተሻውን እንደሚያከሂድ ያስታወቀበት ቀን ደርሷል ። በማስጠንቀቂያው ህገወጥ የተባሉትን ብቻ ሳይሆን ህገ ወጥ የተባሉተን ማስጠጋት በራሱ ከከፍተኛ ገንዘብ ቅጣት ከሃገር እሰከ መባረር የሚያደርስ እርምጃ ይወሰድበታል የሚል ተደጋጋሚ ማስጠንቀቂያ መሰጠቱ በእርግጥም ከሰባት ሚሊዮን በላይ ለሚሆነው የውጭ ዜጋ አስፈሪና አሳሳቢ ጉዳይ ነው!
በተፈራው ቀን ሰኞ ጅዳ ከወትሮው በተለየ ጸጥና ረጭ ብላለች ፣ ግህ እንደቀደደ በማለዳው ልጆቸን ይዠ ወደ ጅዳ የኢትዮጵያን አለም አቀፍ ትምህርት ቤት ተጓዝኩ። በትምህርት ቤቱ ስደርስ የምህረት አዋጁን ማብቃት ተከትሎ መምህራን እና ሰራተኞች ባለመምጣታቸው ተረዳሁ። ትንሽ ቆየት እንዳለኩ በስጋት ላይ የነበረው የ3000 ታዳጊዎች የትምህርት ማዕከል መማር ማስተማር ሂደት በትምህርት ቤቱ አስተዳደር፣ በኮሚኒቲና በመንግስት ተወካዮች የቅርብ ክትትልና ግልጽነት ያለው አካሔድ አለመከተል መኮላሸቱ አበሳጭቶ ቀኔን አጨልሞ ጀመረው! ከሃገረ ጀርምን ትናነት ምሽት ያረፉትን የምሰራበት ኩባንያ የስራ ባልደረቦቸን ፊቴ በርቶ እንዳልቀበላቸው ምክንያት የሆነኝን ትምህርት ቤት ልጆቸን ወደ ቤት ከመለስኩ በኋላ በትካዜ ወደ ቢሮየ አመራሁ…!
(ነብዩ ሲራክ)
እለተ ማክሰኞ – ከአመት እስከ አመት ሞቅና ደመቅ ያለ እንቅስቃሴ በሚታይባቸው የጅዳ ፣ የመካ ፣ የመዲናና ዋና ከተማዋ ሪያድ ወትሮ የነበረው እንቅስቃሴ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ የቀነሰ ሲሆን የተወረሩ ከተማ መስለው መታየታቸው ተጠቅሷል። በመንግስት ጠንካራ ፍተሻ ግራ የተጋቡ ዜጎች በአፈሳና ፍተሻው ፍርሃቻ ከቤት ባለመውጣት ጊዜውን በማሳለፍ ላይ ሲሆኑ በውጭ ዜጎች ይንቀሳቀሱ የነበሩ ሱቆች እና አንዳንድ ግልጋሎት መስጫዎች በመዘጋታቸውም ከተሞቹ ጸጥና እረጭ እንዲሉ በማድረግ በንግድ ልውውጡ ላይ ከፍተኛ ተጽእኖ ማሳደራቸውን መገናኛ ብዙሃን ሳይቀር በመዘገብ ላይ ናቸው ። የምህረት አዋጁን በመጠቀም እንድም መኖሪያ ፈቃድ አለያም የመውጫ ሰነድ ማግኘት ያልቻሉ ኢትዮጵያውያንን ጨምሮ የተለያዩ ሃገር ዜጎች ለጉዳያቸው መጓተት ሰበቦች የሳውዲ መንግስትን መስሪያ ቤቶች የተቆላለፈ ቢሮክራሲያዊ አሰራር እና የየሃገራቸው ቆንስልና ኢንባሲ ጽህፈት ቤቶችንም ሰነዶችን በጊዜ አለማቅረብ እንደሆነ ገልጸውልኛል ። ይህም ለአሁኑ አፈሳውና መዋከቡ አደጋ እንደጣላቸው ተጨናንቀውና ተስፋ ቆርጠው በምሬት ሲናገሩ መስማት በራሱ ያማል …
Ethiopia today is reminiscent of apartheid South Africa, where anyone who questions the state is a terrorist
Africans must speak up for journalist jailed in Ethiopia 
Comment: Ethiopia today is reminiscent of apartheid South Africa, where anyone who questions the state is a terrorist The award-winning Ethiopian journalist Eskinder Nega will turn 45 this month in Kaliti prison outside Addis Ababa whilst serving an 18-year sentence as a convicted terrorist. The government in Addis would have the world believe he is a reckless, even racist, agitator bent on violent revolution. Yet, a review of the evidence against him and his writings reveals a thoughtful and principled man whose only crime has been to urge, peacefully and publicly, Ethiopia’s rulers to deliver on their long broken promise of peaceful, democratic reform.
“Democracy is so important to Ethiopia, because we need it to moderate the differences between civilization and civilization,” Eskinder said in a 2010 interview. “I hope the EPRDF (the ruling party) will be pragmatic enough to realise reform would be the better option, even for itself,” he added. “I believe in forgiving… that we shouldn’t have any grudge against the EPRDF, despite what it has done. I believe that the best thing for the country is reconciliation. I believe in the South African experience, that model.”
In February 2011, inspired by the Egyptian military’s tolerance of pro-democracy protesters in Tahrir Square, Eskinder wrote an article urging Ethiopian soldiers to heed their example, should demonstrations break out in Addis Ababa. The column appeared on a US-based Ethiopian news website blocked inside his country. In response, the state security detained Eskinder, accusing him of inciting the public against the government. A senior police official threatened to kill him if he did not stop writing about the Arab Spring.
A few months later, after the government invoked a vague terrorist plot to imprison prominent journalists, lawyers, teachers, academics and other dissidents, Eskinder spoke out again: “None of the recent detainees under the terrorism charges remotely resemble the profile (of a terrorist). Debebe is probably the ultimate antithesis of the fanatic, his pragmatism, his easy nature, defines him,” he wrote, referring to prominent actor Debebe Eshetu. “Neither do journalists Woubshet (Taye) and Reeyot (Alemu) and opposition politician Zerihun Gebre-Egzabher fit the profile. The same goes for the calm university professor, Bekele Gerba.”
Just five days after writing those words, Eskinder was arrested again, and charged under the same terrorism charges. As evidence, the prosecution submitted a video of a town hall meeting of an opposition party where Eskinder expressed his opinion that if repression continued, the people’s patience would run out and there could be Arab Spring protests in Ethiopia. The prosecution claimed that by making such statements he was using his constitutional right to freedom of expression as a cover to overthrow that very constitution.
Eskinder’s treatment is emblematic of the conditions facing all Ethiopians and the systematic harassment and incarceration of independent voices. Journalism has its occupational hazards the world over, but in Ethiopia it is impossible to practice the profession honestly and with integrity. The country’s anti-terrorism law is sweeping and harsh. It mandates a 20-year sentence for “whoever writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicises, disseminates” statements that the government deems support terrorism. Suspects can be held under these laws for up to four months without charge, let alone a trial – perversely reminiscent of the 90-day (and later 180-day) detention laws of South Africa under apartheid.
In fact, the anti-terrorism law of today’s Ethiopia looks very much like the statutes the apartheid government enacted to suppress opposition and maintain a system declared a crime against humanity by the international community. Some of us remember vividly the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 – later replaced by the Internal Security Amendment Act of 1976, under which even anti-communist writing was banned if it opposed apartheid, and writers were charged and convicted. Ethiopia’s anti-terrorist statute is a close cousin of South Africa’s Terrorism Act of 1967, which was just as all-encompassing; even the mildest opponents of apartheid became “terrorists” under this Act. Just as in South Africa, Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law has become an instrument of terror itself.
Many people and organisations around the world have spoken on behalf and in defence of Eskinder, but whenever these gross violations of human rights happen in Africa there is either muted protest or utter silence on the part of African writers, intellectuals, artists and media. Why should these violations be Bob Geldof’s business and not ours? Surely we also care about human rights because we are directly affected, even more so than those based in the west.
For two decades, Eskinder has been an indomitable free thinker who has refused to give in to anger, resignation or exile despite persistent government intimidation. When his wife, Serkalem Fasil, accepted the PEN Freedom to Write award on his behalf she said that prison had become her husband’s “home away from home”. Serkalem, herself a fellow journalist and newspaper editor, was imprisoned for exercising her freedom of expression, and their son was born in prison.
Eskinder’s continued arrest and the harassment of his family is a travesty that all freedom-loving Africans should protest against relentlessly. It is in this light that the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights should consider the complaint filed recently by Freedom Now and the Media Legal Defense Initiative on Eskinder’s behalf.
What is happening in Ethiopia is a disgrace. An African like me, who is enjoying freedom in South Africa, should have long ago protested this case in the loudest of voices. My silence was complicity. It is important to curb the impunity with which some African governments act against the rights of their citizens. If Ethiopia can get away with it, so will your country next time, and you’ll be the victim. It is first and foremost out of human decency that our voices should be heard. But it is also out of self-interest as prospective victims of repression. As the saying goes, if we are silent today, when they come for us there will be no one left to speak.
Comment: Ethiopia today is reminiscent of apartheid South Africa, where anyone who questions the state is a terrorist The award-winning Ethiopian journalist Eskinder Nega will turn 45 this month in Kaliti prison outside Addis Ababa whilst serving an 18-year sentence as a convicted terrorist. The government in Addis would have the world believe he is a reckless, even racist, agitator bent on violent revolution. Yet, a review of the evidence against him and his writings reveals a thoughtful and principled man whose only crime has been to urge, peacefully and publicly, Ethiopia’s rulers to deliver on their long broken promise of peaceful, democratic reform.“Democracy is so important to Ethiopia, because we need it to moderate the differences between civilization and civilization,” Eskinder said in a 2010 interview. “I hope the EPRDF (the ruling party) will be pragmatic enough to realise reform would be the better option, even for itself,” he added. “I believe in forgiving… that we shouldn’t have any grudge against the EPRDF, despite what it has done. I believe that the best thing for the country is reconciliation. I believe in the South African experience, that model.”
In February 2011, inspired by the Egyptian military’s tolerance of pro-democracy protesters in Tahrir Square, Eskinder wrote an article urging Ethiopian soldiers to heed their example, should demonstrations break out in Addis Ababa. The column appeared on a US-based Ethiopian news website blocked inside his country. In response, the state security detained Eskinder, accusing him of inciting the public against the government. A senior police official threatened to kill him if he did not stop writing about the Arab Spring.
A few months later, after the government invoked a vague terrorist plot to imprison prominent journalists, lawyers, teachers, academics and other dissidents, Eskinder spoke out again: “None of the recent detainees under the terrorism charges remotely resemble the profile (of a terrorist). Debebe is probably the ultimate antithesis of the fanatic, his pragmatism, his easy nature, defines him,” he wrote, referring to prominent actor Debebe Eshetu. “Neither do journalists Woubshet (Taye) and Reeyot (Alemu) and opposition politician Zerihun Gebre-Egzabher fit the profile. The same goes for the calm university professor, Bekele Gerba.”
Just five days after writing those words, Eskinder was arrested again, and charged under the same terrorism charges. As evidence, the prosecution submitted a video of a town hall meeting of an opposition party where Eskinder expressed his opinion that if repression continued, the people’s patience would run out and there could be Arab Spring protests in Ethiopia. The prosecution claimed that by making such statements he was using his constitutional right to freedom of expression as a cover to overthrow that very constitution.
Eskinder’s treatment is emblematic of the conditions facing all Ethiopians and the systematic harassment and incarceration of independent voices. Journalism has its occupational hazards the world over, but in Ethiopia it is impossible to practice the profession honestly and with integrity. The country’s anti-terrorism law is sweeping and harsh. It mandates a 20-year sentence for “whoever writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicises, disseminates” statements that the government deems support terrorism. Suspects can be held under these laws for up to four months without charge, let alone a trial – perversely reminiscent of the 90-day (and later 180-day) detention laws of South Africa under apartheid.
In fact, the anti-terrorism law of today’s Ethiopia looks very much like the statutes the apartheid government enacted to suppress opposition and maintain a system declared a crime against humanity by the international community. Some of us remember vividly the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 – later replaced by the Internal Security Amendment Act of 1976, under which even anti-communist writing was banned if it opposed apartheid, and writers were charged and convicted. Ethiopia’s anti-terrorist statute is a close cousin of South Africa’s Terrorism Act of 1967, which was just as all-encompassing; even the mildest opponents of apartheid became “terrorists” under this Act. Just as in South Africa, Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law has become an instrument of terror itself.
Many people and organisations around the world have spoken on behalf and in defence of Eskinder, but whenever these gross violations of human rights happen in Africa there is either muted protest or utter silence on the part of African writers, intellectuals, artists and media. Why should these violations be Bob Geldof’s business and not ours? Surely we also care about human rights because we are directly affected, even more so than those based in the west.
For two decades, Eskinder has been an indomitable free thinker who has refused to give in to anger, resignation or exile despite persistent government intimidation. When his wife, Serkalem Fasil, accepted the PEN Freedom to Write award on his behalf she said that prison had become her husband’s “home away from home”. Serkalem, herself a fellow journalist and newspaper editor, was imprisoned for exercising her freedom of expression, and their son was born in prison.
Eskinder’s continued arrest and the harassment of his family is a travesty that all freedom-loving Africans should protest against relentlessly. It is in this light that the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights should consider the complaint filed recently by Freedom Now and the Media Legal Defense Initiative on Eskinder’s behalf.
What is happening in Ethiopia is a disgrace. An African like me, who is enjoying freedom in South Africa, should have long ago protested this case in the loudest of voices. My silence was complicity. It is important to curb the impunity with which some African governments act against the rights of their citizens. If Ethiopia can get away with it, so will your country next time, and you’ll be the victim. It is first and foremost out of human decency that our voices should be heard. But it is also out of self-interest as prospective victims of repression. As the saying goes, if we are silent today, when they come for us there will be no one left to speak.
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