An Ethiopian walking on eggshells

by Yilma Bekele
No question I have to be careful writing this column. That is why I choose the title. Some of us are quick to take offense or assume holier than thou attitude when it comes to the subject I am gingerly trying to confront. I decided to approach the issue head on and let the chips fall where they may.
It all started after reading my friend Dr. Fikre Tolosa’s article regarding the Oromo question in our homeland. I was impressed and empowered by his lucid analysis. His grasp of our ancient history is second to none and his piece on the current situation was a showcase of his vast knowledge. The response to his presentation did not fit the gravity of the subject matter he so carefully laid out. To say I was disappointed is an understatement. I expected a mature and open discussion so we can have clarity and help us see the problem that has confounded our people for quite a long time. There is nothing like looking at an old problem with a fresher perspective equipped with new knowledge and experience gained from learning and observing.
Thus with my disappointment for those that claim to speak for the oppressed and down trodden I left the subject matter behind and moved on to other things. But that nagging feeling of searching for an opportunity to put the matter into some perspective stayed with me.
I was making my breakfast one early morning when I heard Public Radio discussing the anniversary of the assassination of Medgar Evers and the Mississippi of 1963. I was mesmerized by the story. For those that are not familiar with the history of America and its race relations I will do my best to give you a snapshot of the period.
The 1960 USA was a different country from what we see today. The two races white and black might as well have been living on different planets. They claim the north was a little different whatever that means but in the south USA being black was not a small matter. The State of Mississippi was ground zero for racism in its ugliest form. It was not de facto apartheid but it was definitely de facto segregation.  The two races kept separate neighborhoods, separate schools and separate existence.
Medgar Evans, a veteran of World War II who fought for his country, a college graduate and a civil right campaigner applied to the University of Mississippi law school and his application was rejected due to his race. This was 1954. Mr. Evans continued his work in the civil rights movement by helping organize boycotts and setting up chapters of NAACP (National Alliance for the Advancement of Colored People) in his home state.
Some  white folks in Mississippi did not appreciate the likes of Medgar Evans that were trying to upset the norm. Separate and unequal was their philosophy. Thus on June 12, 1963 a white fellow that took the distorted view to heart shot and killed Medgar Evans thinking that his act will stop the march of history. Here is the lyric to a beautiful song by Bob Dylan trying to make sense of this tragedy.
A bullet from the back of a bush took Medgar Evers’ blood
A finger fired the trigger to his name
A handle hid out in the dark
A hand set the spark
Two eyes took the aim
Behind a man’s brain
But he can’t be blamed
He’s only a pawn in their game.
How true, the hapless individual with no name was just a ‘pawn in their game’. I felt a strong sense of attachment and empathy to Medgar Evans. He was not a complainer. He was an activist. Despite the danger to himself and his family Medgar worked to right what he felt was wrong. That was the story being told on the radio the morning as I was making my breakfast.

The Ethiopian Opposition: On Keeping the Momentum

by Teklu Abate
For the last two decades, the ruling party, EPRDF, set the agendas for political discourse, putting the opposition to a clear defensive position. The former drafted, ratified, and implemented rulings and laws solo several of which are calculated to contain and neutralize any form of public dissent. The opposition has had nothing to do about it but to mildly shout that the political playing field was and is too narrow to play. Discourses related to national economics and development were/are also the exclusive business of the ruling party. Moreover, it was/is the EPRDF only who re-defined/s our border lines and our relations to neighboring countries. The opposition reacted in some forms to such maneuverings. Generally, one could safely argue that the EPRDF and the opposition have respectively assumed their offensive and defensive roles for years.
Very recently, we happen to witness bits and pieces of developments that conjointly point to a different scenario where the opposition seem to manage to put their agendas on table. The public demonstrations called up on by the Blue Party last May just broke the silence. Although the event itself was neither an outcome nor an output, it was found significant in several ways. Several writers excellently lamented its implications and I also managed to outline some of the important lessons learnt from it in my May short commentary. Stated simply, the rallies could be considered an ice breaker; they effectively teared down that big blanket of fear and silence from the Ethiopian political horizon.
And that spirit of claiming natural and constitutional rights does not stop there. The Blues vow to come back to the streets again and again until their demands are met. They sort of have given the ruling party a three-month grace period to act. Moreover, the Unity for Democracy and Justice party (Andinet) are also coming to the fore again. They are planning rallies that are to take place in regional towns first and finally in Addis Ababa. Other parties and fronts might join hands and make serious and series of demonstrations that could put EPRDF at the defensive. If the regime does not effectively respond to the demands, the sizable rallies could have huge potential for bringing a massive and peaceful popular uprising that could be lethal to the ruling party. In a way, the refreshed demands of the opposition seem to appear a nuisance to the ruling party- they tend to defend this time around.
Before the opposition reach at that stage, a stage where they clearly and in a sustained way take the offensive position, they must identify and deal with a whole array of challenges and hurdles put forward by the EPRDF. The power of the opposition to maneuver and to bring their efforts in scale would define the trajectory of Ethiopian politics for years to come. The opposition (here I refer to those based in Ethiopia) need to regularly and well ahead of time reflect up on a host of challenges and issues.
Several writers created possible scenarios and offered recommendations. To me, if the opposition adequately, timely, in a sustained way, and at scale do or meet the following, success (genuine democratic governance, freedom, the rule of law, and justice) is very likely to come. The recommendations below relate to the content and method of peaceful struggle as well as the nature of leadership deemed appropriate for the time.
Injustice as the enemy
We know that the ruling party is behind the state of affairs wherein Ethiopia finds itself since 1991. Still, the enemy of the Ethiopian people is not EPRDF/TPLF as such. Any peaceful and meaningful political struggle must thus aim at combatting such real enemies as injustice, corruption, killings, nepotism, random detention, persecution, lack of freedom, backwardness, stagnation, unaccountability, and the like. If struggles aim at EPRDF as an entity, there would not be any guarantee that we would have democratic culture once the regime is gone. Plus, if struggles focus on the real enemies, those in the EPRDF circle might feel that they are not singled out and hence they might, after some time, decide to change their political lanes. This way, it is possible to create a future where the opposition, EPRDF sympathizers and members, and the general public live in peace and tranquility. This is what we could learn from Nelson Mandela of South Africa, to forgive for the sake of cohesion and lasting change. Fight to bring justice and freedom and not to liquidate a group.
National reconciliation
Yes, because of EPRDF’s policies and propaganda, we suffer a lot. We tend to look through ethnic lines only. We fought each other several times and thousands are gone forever. And many still languish in such earthly hells called Kaliti and maekellawi. And many have left their country to escape from everything. Despite all these, the opposition must tolerate and preach peaceful co-existence. Ethiopia should be home not only to those who fight to bring change but also to those who are very responsible for all the mess. That spirit of forgiveness must be at the core of any political struggle. We cannot bring lasting peace by killing or persecuting the oppressors but by forgiving them. Of course, those few at the top of the EPRDF power echelon might be held accountable to their deeds through a free and fair justice system. But a national reconciliation that includes all groups and parties and individuals is for sure a panacea for solving every other problem. And this is not a tried and tired approach in Ethiopia. The opposition could benefit if they consider this as an option.
Inclusiveness
Nearly all EPRDF seminars and conferences at home and in the Diaspora are reserved for supporters and members. That created the gulf between the regime and the populace in general. The opposition must be significantly different from the ruling party in this regards, too. Reconciliations, workshops, conferences, seminars, and other party moves must accommodate all. The youth, the elderly, the rural and urban population, the educated, the business people, EPRDF members and sympathizers, and the Ethiopian Diaspora need to be considered while planning, implementing, and evaluating programs or projects. If struggles are dubbed peaceful, there is nothing to hide from EPRDF people. By inviting them to opposition forums, it is possible to show transparency and accountability and to enter in to discourse. Let’s create that culture of debate as it is the opportunity to positively influence and be influenced.
Practical and strategic
To win the hearts and minds of the people, the opposition need to focus on the now and the future simultaneously. Problems and concerns include poverty and starvation, corruption, nepotism, lack of freedom of all sorts, imprisonment, exodus of the youth to the Arab world, scramble of our fertile lands by irresponsible investors, forced eviction of people, our border lines and relation with neighbors and internationally, and the like. The opposition must come up with their plans as to how to solve all these bottlenecks. The people want to see smarter solutions that outachieve EPRDF’s. Meaning, political struggle is as intellectual and discursive as it is pragmatic. This of course requires quality leadership and resource pool.
Competent leadership
Leadership plays a crucial role in bringing change. Unfortunately, we happen to see some of the most incompetent leaders in several of the political parties back home. They are usually made leaders based on family ties, ethnic considerations, seniority, and even gender. Some assumed leadership for decades and still claim that no one is competent enough to replace them. Others seem to ‘own’ political parties through infusing their private resources into party activities. They expect any decision to be made in accordance with their tastes. These kinds of guys should be stopped systematically. If the opposition aspire to succeed, they must make sure they are being led by some of the most competent workforce. People who do not have the knowledge, skill, know-how, and sincerity should not be allowed to enter the leadership rank. As they would retard and at worst divide the struggle. Youngsters must be recruited, trained, and given the opportunity to lead for a very fixed term.
Leadership contracts
Regularly but in a stable way changing leadership might work well in the Ethiopian context for several reasons. One, it would discourage long-time rule and dictatorship. Two, leading political parties cost a lot in terms of resources, time, energy, and other sacrifices including imprisonment and persecution and prosecution. Changing leadership regularly is tantamount to sharing the burden. Three, it would be a challenge to the ruling party to jail and prosecute all the generations of leaders. Four, it would send to the public a message that the opposition is governed by rules and limits. Five, leaders would not have the energy and time to create their own personal networks as they know that they would step down soon. Six, new leaders could perform with all their energy and competence. Seventh, this formula will produce a great number of experienced leaders in the end who could easily influence the public at various levels.
Involve the people

The Ethiopian Opposition: On Keeping the Momentum

by Teklu Abate
For the last two decades, the ruling party, EPRDF, set the agendas for political discourse, putting the opposition to a clear defensive position. The former drafted, ratified, and implemented rulings and laws solo several of which are calculated to contain and neutralize any form of public dissent. The opposition has had nothing to do about it but to mildly shout that the political playing field was and is too narrow to play. Discourses related to national economics and development were/are also the exclusive business of the ruling party. Moreover, it was/is the EPRDF only who re-defined/s our border lines and our relations to neighboring countries. The opposition reacted in some forms to such maneuverings. Generally, one could safely argue that the EPRDF and the opposition have respectively assumed their offensive and defensive roles for years.
Very recently, we happen to witness bits and pieces of developments that conjointly point to a different scenario where the opposition seem to manage to put their agendas on table. The public demonstrations called up on by the Blue Party last May just broke the silence. Although the event itself was neither an outcome nor an output, it was found significant in several ways. Several writers excellently lamented its implications and I also managed to outline some of the important lessons learnt from it in my May short commentary. Stated simply, the rallies could be considered an ice breaker; they effectively teared down that big blanket of fear and silence from the Ethiopian political horizon.
And that spirit of claiming natural and constitutional rights does not stop there. The Blues vow to come back to the streets again and again until their demands are met. They sort of have given the ruling party a three-month grace period to act. Moreover, the Unity for Democracy and Justice party (Andinet) are also coming to the fore again. They are planning rallies that are to take place in regional towns first and finally in Addis Ababa. Other parties and fronts might join hands and make serious and series of demonstrations that could put EPRDF at the defensive. If the regime does not effectively respond to the demands, the sizable rallies could have huge potential for bringing a massive and peaceful popular uprising that could be lethal to the ruling party. In a way, the refreshed demands of the opposition seem to appear a nuisance to the ruling party- they tend to defend this time around.
Before the opposition reach at that stage, a stage where they clearly and in a sustained way take the offensive position, they must identify and deal with a whole array of challenges and hurdles put forward by the EPRDF. The power of the opposition to maneuver and to bring their efforts in scale would define the trajectory of Ethiopian politics for years to come. The opposition (here I refer to those based in Ethiopia) need to regularly and well ahead of time reflect up on a host of challenges and issues.
Several writers created possible scenarios and offered recommendations. To me, if the opposition adequately, timely, in a sustained way, and at scale do or meet the following, success (genuine democratic governance, freedom, the rule of law, and justice) is very likely to come. The recommendations below relate to the content and method of peaceful struggle as well as the nature of leadership deemed appropriate for the time.
Injustice as the enemy
We know that the ruling party is behind the state of affairs wherein Ethiopia finds itself since 1991. Still, the enemy of the Ethiopian people is not EPRDF/TPLF as such. Any peaceful and meaningful political struggle must thus aim at combatting such real enemies as injustice, corruption, killings, nepotism, random detention, persecution, lack of freedom, backwardness, stagnation, unaccountability, and the like. If struggles aim at EPRDF as an entity, there would not be any guarantee that we would have democratic culture once the regime is gone. Plus, if struggles focus on the real enemies, those in the EPRDF circle might feel that they are not singled out and hence they might, after some time, decide to change their political lanes. This way, it is possible to create a future where the opposition, EPRDF sympathizers and members, and the general public live in peace and tranquility. This is what we could learn from Nelson Mandela of South Africa, to forgive for the sake of cohesion and lasting change. Fight to bring justice and freedom and not to liquidate a group.
National reconciliation
Yes, because of EPRDF’s policies and propaganda, we suffer a lot. We tend to look through ethnic lines only. We fought each other several times and thousands are gone forever. And many still languish in such earthly hells called Kaliti and maekellawi. And many have left their country to escape from everything. Despite all these, the opposition must tolerate and preach peaceful co-existence. Ethiopia should be home not only to those who fight to bring change but also to those who are very responsible for all the mess. That spirit of forgiveness must be at the core of any political struggle. We cannot bring lasting peace by killing or persecuting the oppressors but by forgiving them. Of course, those few at the top of the EPRDF power echelon might be held accountable to their deeds through a free and fair justice system. But a national reconciliation that includes all groups and parties and individuals is for sure a panacea for solving every other problem. And this is not a tried and tired approach in Ethiopia. The opposition could benefit if they consider this as an option.
Inclusiveness
Nearly all EPRDF seminars and conferences at home and in the Diaspora are reserved for supporters and members. That created the gulf between the regime and the populace in general. The opposition must be significantly different from the ruling party in this regards, too. Reconciliations, workshops, conferences, seminars, and other party moves must accommodate all. The youth, the elderly, the rural and urban population, the educated, the business people, EPRDF members and sympathizers, and the Ethiopian Diaspora need to be considered while planning, implementing, and evaluating programs or projects. If struggles are dubbed peaceful, there is nothing to hide from EPRDF people. By inviting them to opposition forums, it is possible to show transparency and accountability and to enter in to discourse. Let’s create that culture of debate as it is the opportunity to positively influence and be influenced.
Practical and strategic
To win the hearts and minds of the people, the opposition need to focus on the now and the future simultaneously. Problems and concerns include poverty and starvation, corruption, nepotism, lack of freedom of all sorts, imprisonment, exodus of the youth to the Arab world, scramble of our fertile lands by irresponsible investors, forced eviction of people, our border lines and relation with neighbors and internationally, and the like. The opposition must come up with their plans as to how to solve all these bottlenecks. The people want to see smarter solutions that outachieve EPRDF’s. Meaning, political struggle is as intellectual and discursive as it is pragmatic. This of course requires quality leadership and resource pool.
Competent leadership
Leadership plays a crucial role in bringing change. Unfortunately, we happen to see some of the most incompetent leaders in several of the political parties back home. They are usually made leaders based on family ties, ethnic considerations, seniority, and even gender. Some assumed leadership for decades and still claim that no one is competent enough to replace them. Others seem to ‘own’ political parties through infusing their private resources into party activities. They expect any decision to be made in accordance with their tastes. These kinds of guys should be stopped systematically. If the opposition aspire to succeed, they must make sure they are being led by some of the most competent workforce. People who do not have the knowledge, skill, know-how, and sincerity should not be allowed to enter the leadership rank. As they would retard and at worst divide the struggle. Youngsters must be recruited, trained, and given the opportunity to lead for a very fixed term.
Leadership contracts
Regularly but in a stable way changing leadership might work well in the Ethiopian context for several reasons. One, it would discourage long-time rule and dictatorship. Two, leading political parties cost a lot in terms of resources, time, energy, and other sacrifices including imprisonment and persecution and prosecution. Changing leadership regularly is tantamount to sharing the burden. Three, it would be a challenge to the ruling party to jail and prosecute all the generations of leaders. Four, it would send to the public a message that the opposition is governed by rules and limits. Five, leaders would not have the energy and time to create their own personal networks as they know that they would step down soon. Six, new leaders could perform with all their energy and competence. Seventh, this formula will produce a great number of experienced leaders in the end who could easily influence the public at various levels.
Involve the people

The Ethiopian Opposition: On Keeping the Momentum

by Teklu Abate
For the last two decades, the ruling party, EPRDF, set the agendas for political discourse, putting the opposition to a clear defensive position. The former drafted, ratified, and implemented rulings and laws solo several of which are calculated to contain and neutralize any form of public dissent. The opposition has had nothing to do about it but to mildly shout that the political playing field was and is too narrow to play. Discourses related to national economics and development were/are also the exclusive business of the ruling party. Moreover, it was/is the EPRDF only who re-defined/s our border lines and our relations to neighboring countries. The opposition reacted in some forms to such maneuverings. Generally, one could safely argue that the EPRDF and the opposition have respectively assumed their offensive and defensive roles for years.
Very recently, we happen to witness bits and pieces of developments that conjointly point to a different scenario where the opposition seem to manage to put their agendas on table. The public demonstrations called up on by the Blue Party last May just broke the silence. Although the event itself was neither an outcome nor an output, it was found significant in several ways. Several writers excellently lamented its implications and I also managed to outline some of the important lessons learnt from it in my May short commentary. Stated simply, the rallies could be considered an ice breaker; they effectively teared down that big blanket of fear and silence from the Ethiopian political horizon.
And that spirit of claiming natural and constitutional rights does not stop there. The Blues vow to come back to the streets again and again until their demands are met. They sort of have given the ruling party a three-month grace period to act. Moreover, the Unity for Democracy and Justice party (Andinet) are also coming to the fore again. They are planning rallies that are to take place in regional towns first and finally in Addis Ababa. Other parties and fronts might join hands and make serious and series of demonstrations that could put EPRDF at the defensive. If the regime does not effectively respond to the demands, the sizable rallies could have huge potential for bringing a massive and peaceful popular uprising that could be lethal to the ruling party. In a way, the refreshed demands of the opposition seem to appear a nuisance to the ruling party- they tend to defend this time around.
Before the opposition reach at that stage, a stage where they clearly and in a sustained way take the offensive position, they must identify and deal with a whole array of challenges and hurdles put forward by the EPRDF. The power of the opposition to maneuver and to bring their efforts in scale would define the trajectory of Ethiopian politics for years to come. The opposition (here I refer to those based in Ethiopia) need to regularly and well ahead of time reflect up on a host of challenges and issues.
Several writers created possible scenarios and offered recommendations. To me, if the opposition adequately, timely, in a sustained way, and at scale do or meet the following, success (genuine democratic governance, freedom, the rule of law, and justice) is very likely to come. The recommendations below relate to the content and method of peaceful struggle as well as the nature of leadership deemed appropriate for the time.
Injustice as the enemy
We know that the ruling party is behind the state of affairs wherein Ethiopia finds itself since 1991. Still, the enemy of the Ethiopian people is not EPRDF/TPLF as such. Any peaceful and meaningful political struggle must thus aim at combatting such real enemies as injustice, corruption, killings, nepotism, random detention, persecution, lack of freedom, backwardness, stagnation, unaccountability, and the like. If struggles aim at EPRDF as an entity, there would not be any guarantee that we would have democratic culture once the regime is gone. Plus, if struggles focus on the real enemies, those in the EPRDF circle might feel that they are not singled out and hence they might, after some time, decide to change their political lanes. This way, it is possible to create a future where the opposition, EPRDF sympathizers and members, and the general public live in peace and tranquility. This is what we could learn from Nelson Mandela of South Africa, to forgive for the sake of cohesion and lasting change. Fight to bring justice and freedom and not to liquidate a group.
National reconciliation
Yes, because of EPRDF’s policies and propaganda, we suffer a lot. We tend to look through ethnic lines only. We fought each other several times and thousands are gone forever. And many still languish in such earthly hells called Kaliti and maekellawi. And many have left their country to escape from everything. Despite all these, the opposition must tolerate and preach peaceful co-existence. Ethiopia should be home not only to those who fight to bring change but also to those who are very responsible for all the mess. That spirit of forgiveness must be at the core of any political struggle. We cannot bring lasting peace by killing or persecuting the oppressors but by forgiving them. Of course, those few at the top of the EPRDF power echelon might be held accountable to their deeds through a free and fair justice system. But a national reconciliation that includes all groups and parties and individuals is for sure a panacea for solving every other problem. And this is not a tried and tired approach in Ethiopia. The opposition could benefit if they consider this as an option.
Inclusiveness
Nearly all EPRDF seminars and conferences at home and in the Diaspora are reserved for supporters and members. That created the gulf between the regime and the populace in general. The opposition must be significantly different from the ruling party in this regards, too. Reconciliations, workshops, conferences, seminars, and other party moves must accommodate all. The youth, the elderly, the rural and urban population, the educated, the business people, EPRDF members and sympathizers, and the Ethiopian Diaspora need to be considered while planning, implementing, and evaluating programs or projects. If struggles are dubbed peaceful, there is nothing to hide from EPRDF people. By inviting them to opposition forums, it is possible to show transparency and accountability and to enter in to discourse. Let’s create that culture of debate as it is the opportunity to positively influence and be influenced.
Practical and strategic
To win the hearts and minds of the people, the opposition need to focus on the now and the future simultaneously. Problems and concerns include poverty and starvation, corruption, nepotism, lack of freedom of all sorts, imprisonment, exodus of the youth to the Arab world, scramble of our fertile lands by irresponsible investors, forced eviction of people, our border lines and relation with neighbors and internationally, and the like. The opposition must come up with their plans as to how to solve all these bottlenecks. The people want to see smarter solutions that outachieve EPRDF’s. Meaning, political struggle is as intellectual and discursive as it is pragmatic. This of course requires quality leadership and resource pool.
Competent leadership
Leadership plays a crucial role in bringing change. Unfortunately, we happen to see some of the most incompetent leaders in several of the political parties back home. They are usually made leaders based on family ties, ethnic considerations, seniority, and even gender. Some assumed leadership for decades and still claim that no one is competent enough to replace them. Others seem to ‘own’ political parties through infusing their private resources into party activities. They expect any decision to be made in accordance with their tastes. These kinds of guys should be stopped systematically. If the opposition aspire to succeed, they must make sure they are being led by some of the most competent workforce. People who do not have the knowledge, skill, know-how, and sincerity should not be allowed to enter the leadership rank. As they would retard and at worst divide the struggle. Youngsters must be recruited, trained, and given the opportunity to lead for a very fixed term.
Leadership contracts
Regularly but in a stable way changing leadership might work well in the Ethiopian context for several reasons. One, it would discourage long-time rule and dictatorship. Two, leading political parties cost a lot in terms of resources, time, energy, and other sacrifices including imprisonment and persecution and prosecution. Changing leadership regularly is tantamount to sharing the burden. Three, it would be a challenge to the ruling party to jail and prosecute all the generations of leaders. Four, it would send to the public a message that the opposition is governed by rules and limits. Five, leaders would not have the energy and time to create their own personal networks as they know that they would step down soon. Six, new leaders could perform with all their energy and competence. Seventh, this formula will produce a great number of experienced leaders in the end who could easily influence the public at various levels.
Involve the people

The Ethiopian Opposition: On Keeping the Momentum

by Teklu Abate
For the last two decades, the ruling party, EPRDF, set the agendas for political discourse, putting the opposition to a clear defensive position. The former drafted, ratified, and implemented rulings and laws solo several of which are calculated to contain and neutralize any form of public dissent. The opposition has had nothing to do about it but to mildly shout that the political playing field was and is too narrow to play. Discourses related to national economics and development were/are also the exclusive business of the ruling party. Moreover, it was/is the EPRDF only who re-defined/s our border lines and our relations to neighboring countries. The opposition reacted in some forms to such maneuverings. Generally, one could safely argue that the EPRDF and the opposition have respectively assumed their offensive and defensive roles for years.
Very recently, we happen to witness bits and pieces of developments that conjointly point to a different scenario where the opposition seem to manage to put their agendas on table. The public demonstrations called up on by the Blue Party last May just broke the silence. Although the event itself was neither an outcome nor an output, it was found significant in several ways. Several writers excellently lamented its implications and I also managed to outline some of the important lessons learnt from it in my May short commentary. Stated simply, the rallies could be considered an ice breaker; they effectively teared down that big blanket of fear and silence from the Ethiopian political horizon.
And that spirit of claiming natural and constitutional rights does not stop there. The Blues vow to come back to the streets again and again until their demands are met. They sort of have given the ruling party a three-month grace period to act. Moreover, the Unity for Democracy and Justice party (Andinet) are also coming to the fore again. They are planning rallies that are to take place in regional towns first and finally in Addis Ababa. Other parties and fronts might join hands and make serious and series of demonstrations that could put EPRDF at the defensive. If the regime does not effectively respond to the demands, the sizable rallies could have huge potential for bringing a massive and peaceful popular uprising that could be lethal to the ruling party. In a way, the refreshed demands of the opposition seem to appear a nuisance to the ruling party- they tend to defend this time around.
Before the opposition reach at that stage, a stage where they clearly and in a sustained way take the offensive position, they must identify and deal with a whole array of challenges and hurdles put forward by the EPRDF. The power of the opposition to maneuver and to bring their efforts in scale would define the trajectory of Ethiopian politics for years to come. The opposition (here I refer to those based in Ethiopia) need to regularly and well ahead of time reflect up on a host of challenges and issues.
Several writers created possible scenarios and offered recommendations. To me, if the opposition adequately, timely, in a sustained way, and at scale do or meet the following, success (genuine democratic governance, freedom, the rule of law, and justice) is very likely to come. The recommendations below relate to the content and method of peaceful struggle as well as the nature of leadership deemed appropriate for the time.
Injustice as the enemy
We know that the ruling party is behind the state of affairs wherein Ethiopia finds itself since 1991. Still, the enemy of the Ethiopian people is not EPRDF/TPLF as such. Any peaceful and meaningful political struggle must thus aim at combatting such real enemies as injustice, corruption, killings, nepotism, random detention, persecution, lack of freedom, backwardness, stagnation, unaccountability, and the like. If struggles aim at EPRDF as an entity, there would not be any guarantee that we would have democratic culture once the regime is gone. Plus, if struggles focus on the real enemies, those in the EPRDF circle might feel that they are not singled out and hence they might, after some time, decide to change their political lanes. This way, it is possible to create a future where the opposition, EPRDF sympathizers and members, and the general public live in peace and tranquility. This is what we could learn from Nelson Mandela of South Africa, to forgive for the sake of cohesion and lasting change. Fight to bring justice and freedom and not to liquidate a group.
National reconciliation
Yes, because of EPRDF’s policies and propaganda, we suffer a lot. We tend to look through ethnic lines only. We fought each other several times and thousands are gone forever. And many still languish in such earthly hells called Kaliti and maekellawi. And many have left their country to escape from everything. Despite all these, the opposition must tolerate and preach peaceful co-existence. Ethiopia should be home not only to those who fight to bring change but also to those who are very responsible for all the mess. That spirit of forgiveness must be at the core of any political struggle. We cannot bring lasting peace by killing or persecuting the oppressors but by forgiving them. Of course, those few at the top of the EPRDF power echelon might be held accountable to their deeds through a free and fair justice system. But a national reconciliation that includes all groups and parties and individuals is for sure a panacea for solving every other problem. And this is not a tried and tired approach in Ethiopia. The opposition could benefit if they consider this as an option.
Inclusiveness
Nearly all EPRDF seminars and conferences at home and in the Diaspora are reserved for supporters and members. That created the gulf between the regime and the populace in general. The opposition must be significantly different from the ruling party in this regards, too. Reconciliations, workshops, conferences, seminars, and other party moves must accommodate all. The youth, the elderly, the rural and urban population, the educated, the business people, EPRDF members and sympathizers, and the Ethiopian Diaspora need to be considered while planning, implementing, and evaluating programs or projects. If struggles are dubbed peaceful, there is nothing to hide from EPRDF people. By inviting them to opposition forums, it is possible to show transparency and accountability and to enter in to discourse. Let’s create that culture of debate as it is the opportunity to positively influence and be influenced.
Practical and strategic
To win the hearts and minds of the people, the opposition need to focus on the now and the future simultaneously. Problems and concerns include poverty and starvation, corruption, nepotism, lack of freedom of all sorts, imprisonment, exodus of the youth to the Arab world, scramble of our fertile lands by irresponsible investors, forced eviction of people, our border lines and relation with neighbors and internationally, and the like. The opposition must come up with their plans as to how to solve all these bottlenecks. The people want to see smarter solutions that outachieve EPRDF’s. Meaning, political struggle is as intellectual and discursive as it is pragmatic. This of course requires quality leadership and resource pool.
Competent leadership
Leadership plays a crucial role in bringing change. Unfortunately, we happen to see some of the most incompetent leaders in several of the political parties back home. They are usually made leaders based on family ties, ethnic considerations, seniority, and even gender. Some assumed leadership for decades and still claim that no one is competent enough to replace them. Others seem to ‘own’ political parties through infusing their private resources into party activities. They expect any decision to be made in accordance with their tastes. These kinds of guys should be stopped systematically. If the opposition aspire to succeed, they must make sure they are being led by some of the most competent workforce. People who do not have the knowledge, skill, know-how, and sincerity should not be allowed to enter the leadership rank. As they would retard and at worst divide the struggle. Youngsters must be recruited, trained, and given the opportunity to lead for a very fixed term.
Leadership contracts
Regularly but in a stable way changing leadership might work well in the Ethiopian context for several reasons. One, it would discourage long-time rule and dictatorship. Two, leading political parties cost a lot in terms of resources, time, energy, and other sacrifices including imprisonment and persecution and prosecution. Changing leadership regularly is tantamount to sharing the burden. Three, it would be a challenge to the ruling party to jail and prosecute all the generations of leaders. Four, it would send to the public a message that the opposition is governed by rules and limits. Five, leaders would not have the energy and time to create their own personal networks as they know that they would step down soon. Six, new leaders could perform with all their energy and competence. Seventh, this formula will produce a great number of experienced leaders in the end who could easily influence the public at various levels.
Involve the people