ለሳዉዲዎች የተሰጠው መሬት – ግርማ ካሳ

በሕዝብና በአገር ላይ ጥቃት ሲሰነዘር የአገሪቷ መሪ ህዝቡን የመምራትና የማረጋጋት ሃላፉነት አለባቸው። ሳዉዲዎች በኢትዮጵያዉያን ላይ አሰቃቂ ግፍ በፈጸሙ ጊዜ፣ አቶ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ፣ ከመምራት ይልቅ ዝምታን መርጠው፣ አንዴ በካታር፣ ሌላ ጊዜ በፖላንድ ሲሽከረከሩ እንደነበረ ሁላችንም የምናዉቀዉ ነዉ። «ጠ/ሚኒስትሩ የት ነው ያሉት ?» የሚል ጥያቄና ትችት እየጠነከረ በመጣ ጊዜ፣ ከሳምንታት በኋላ ብቅ አሉ። በኢቲቪ ቃለ መጠይቅም አደረጉ።
የአቶ ኃይለማሪያም ቃለ መጠይቅ ግን ብዙ አልተመቸኝም። የወገኖቻችንን ቁስልና ሕመም፣ የኢትዮጵያም ዉርደት የተሰማቸው አይመስልም። በሳዉዲ ያሉ ስደተኞች ወደ አገራቸው እንዲመለሱ ከወራት በፊት ሁኔታዎችን ኢሕአዴግ አመቻችቶ፣ የተመለሱት ግን በመቶ የሚቆጠሩ ብቻ እንደሆኑ የገለጹት አቶ ኃይለማሪያም፣ «ስደተኞ በጊዜዉ ቢመለሱ ኖሮ ችግሩ አይወሳሰብም ነበር» ሲሉ፣ ለተፈጠረዉ ችግር በዋናነት የተጎዶ ወገኖቻችን ነዉ ተጠያቂ ያደረጉት። አንዳችም በሳዉዲ የተደረገዉን ግፍ የማዉገዝ ሆነ የመቃወም ነገር አላሰሙም። ዶር ቴዎድሮስ አዳኖም እንዳደረጉት፣ ስደተኞችን ሄዶ መጎብኘቱንማ እርሱት። እንደዉም «ይሄ የተፈጠረው ችግር ከሳዉዲ አረቢያ ጋር ያለንን መልካም ግንኙነት በምንም ሁኔታ አያደፈርሰውም» ሲሉም የዉጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴሩ ዶር ቴዎድሮስ ከዚያ በፊት «በሳዉዲ ላይ ተመጣጣኝ እርምጃ እንወስዳለን» ያሉትን፣ በይፋ ነዉ የቀለበሱት። Read in PDF: ለሳዉዲዎች የተሰጠው መሬት

በደም የተገነባ ተቋም ፣ የኢትዮጵያ አየር ኃይል

(ለዳግመኛ ክህደት እንዳይዳረግ)
ግንቦት 83/91 ላይ የኢትዮጵያ ሰማይ ክፉኛ በሃዘን ሲመታ ፣ ደመናው ሲጠለሽ ፤ ወንዞች መደፈራረስ ሲጀምሩ ፤ የሰውን ልብ ባር ባር ሲለው …….. የክፉው ቀን ጅማሮ ፣ የውርደት ሃሌታ ፣ የሃገር አልባነት ስሜትና የዜግነት ውርደት ደጃፍ ላይ መውደቃችን እውነት ነበር ።
Read full story in PDF: በደም የተገነባ ተቋም …

U.S. aircraft hit by gunfire in South Sudan as conflict worsens

By Carla Odera 
UBA (Reuters) - A U.S. aircraft came under fire from unidentified forces on Saturday while trying to evacuate Americans from a spiraling conflict in South Sudan. The U.S. military said four of its members were wounded in the attacks.
Nearly a week of fighting in South Sudan threatens to drag the world's newest country into a Dinka-Nuer ethnic civil war just two years after it won independence from Sudan with strong support from successive U.S. administrations.
The U.S. aircraft came under fire while approaching the evacuation site, the military's Africa Command said in a statement. "The aircraft diverted to an airfield outside the country and aborted the mission," it added.
The statement said all of the three Osprey CV-22 aircraft involved in the mission had been damaged.
Consequently, U.S. President Barack Obama warned that any move to take power by military means would lead to an end of U.S. and international community support for South Sudan.

View gallery

A SPLA soldier gestures as he sits in a vehicle in Juba December 21, 2013. REUTERS/Stringer

The United Nations mission in South Sudan said one of four U.N. helicopters sent to Youai, in Jonglei state, had come under small-arms fire on Friday. No crew or passengers were harmed.
Hundreds of people have been killed in the fighting between Dinka loyalists of President Salva Kiir and Nuer supporters of former Vice-President Riek Machar, who was sacked in July and is accused by the government of trying to seize power.
Fighting has spread from the capital, Juba, to vital oilfields and the government said a senior army commander had defected to Machar in the oil-producing Unity State.
The German military said on Saturday it had evacuated 98 people, including Germans and other nationals, from South Sudan by air to neighboring Uganda. The German ambassador to South Sudan was among them, the Foreign Ministry in Berlin said.
A separate plane took Lieutenant-General Hans-Werner Fritz, chief of Germany's Operations Command, along with his aides and five other Germans, to Berlin, the military said.

View gallery

SPLA soldiers drive in a truck in Juba December 21, 2013. REUTERS/Stringer

After meeting African mediators on Friday, Kiir's government said on its Twitter feed that it was willing to hold talks with any rebel group. The United States is sending an envoy to help find a negotiated solution.
South Sudan's foreign minister, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, told Reuters the government had given African mediators the go-ahead to meet Kiir's rivals, including Machar and his allies.
Ethiopia's Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom, who led an East African delegation of foreign ministers in Juba aimed at mediating between the feuding sides, said the team did not manage to meet Riek Machar face to face, neither did they make phone contact.
"We are trying to contact them. We are hopeful of having both sides on the negotiating table within the space of 10 days," Tedros told Reuters.
In their meeting with Kiir, Tedros said they were also aiming to get humanitarian aid to afflicted populations unhindered.

View gallery

SPLA soldiers drive in a vehicle in Juba December 21, 2013. REUTERS/Goran Tomasevic

CEASEFIRE CALL
Benjamin said Lieutenant-General Lazarus Sumbeiywo, sent to South Sudan by Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, had stayed behind along with a Kenyan diplomat after the African mediators left on Saturday and would work on making contact with Machar.
Sumbeiywo was the chief mediator in the talks that led to the signing of the 2005 peace agreements with north Sudan.
"So on the side of the government ... we have established dialogue without any condition," Benjamin said. "All we say, we urge former Vice-President Riek Machar not to incite the people of South Sudan through ethnic configuration."
United Nations staff say hundreds of people have been killed across the country, which is the size of France, this week and that 40,000 civilians are sheltering at U.N. bases.

View gallery

SPLA soldiers drive in a vehicle in Juba December 21, 2013. REUTERS/Goran Tomasevic

The United Nations said on Friday at least 11 Dinka civilians had been killed during an attack by about 2,000 armed youths from another ethnic group on a U.N. peacekeeping base in Jonglei state. Two Indian peacekeepers were also killed.
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned the attack and called on Kiir and Machar "to come to the table and find a political way out of this crisis".
"They're responsible to the people of South Sudan to end the crisis and find a political means of resolving their differences," Ban told a news conference in the Philippines.
The African Union called on Saturday for a Christmas ceasefire, and its chairwoman Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma described the killings of civilians and U.N. peacekeepers as a war crime.
Reuters television footage showed several hundred government troops leaving Juba to deploy in Jonglei state.

View gallery

SPLA soldiers drive in a vehicle in Juba December 21, 2013. REUTERS/Goran Tomasevic

Toby Lanzer, the U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator in South Sudan, said via Twitter that Bor, in Jonglei state, remained tense. "We've heard clashes & seen bodies in the streets. Civilians have left town to flee for their safety," he wrote.
Information Minister Michael Makuei told Reuters an army divisional commander in Unity State, John Koang, had defected and joined Machar, who had named him the governor of the state.
Jacob Dut, a political science lecturer at the University of Juba, said most army divisions had between 10,000 and 13,000 troops, although not all were fully manned.
"Division 4 (Koang's unit) is adjacent to the border with Sudan. That means there is more military hardware and that means that this defection is a big loss," Dut said.
(Additional reporting by George Obulutsa in Nairobi, Elias Biryabarema in Kampala, Aaron Maasho in Addis Ababa, Rosemarie Francisco in Manila; Phil Stewart and Ros Krasny in Honolulu; Missy Ryan in Washington and Andreas Kenner in Berlin; Editing by Alistair Lyon and Eric Walsh)

Opportunity for TPLF/EPRDF to right the wrong and for Ethiopia to reclaim its legal and historic rights

By Eneh LeHaggareh 
On December 6, 2013, a number of media reports including Aljazeera and Africa Review have all indicated that the ruling party in Ethiopia (TPLF/EPRDF) and the  Isayas led EPLF in Eritrea are currently negotiating through a mediator, Omar AlBashir of the Sudan.

On December 16, 2013, in an opinion that appeared on the online publication African Argument: Herman Cohen, the former Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, also alluded to the same rapprochement  stating that “in recent months, positive signals have been coming from both countries. “ 

In principle, this writer is not against the idea of resolving conflict and differences through peaceful negotiation. However, I believe, a meaningful conflict resolution requires addressing the unspoken but true concerns of the Ethiopian people. In my opinion, any attempt to move forward without addressing these outstanding issues will only aggravate the sense of injustice thereby sawing the seed for continued conflict.

I am an Ethiopian therefore; first and foremost my focus is safeguarding the current and future interest of Ethiopia.

First and foremost, any attempt to resolve this outstanding issue should weigh-in the fact that Ethiopians have been betrayed by the ruling TPLF/EPRDF regime when it comes to some of the cardinal  decisions made about the unity and territorial integrity of their country. Here are some of the highlights:-

The “referendums” of 1993 was conducted in a way that did not represent the interest of Ethiopians. Ethiopians were completely excluded from having a say in that highly important decision.  Such a decision of monumental consequence was made in a closed door away from the people of Ethiopia.  At the time, the government was only transitional and with no such mandate whatsoever from the general public.

• Ethiopia’s historical and legal rights were completely ignored. Instead, ill-conceived political calculation and ideological gimmick dictated the ruling group’s extremely short sighted decisions. Thanks largely to Mr. Zenawi’s and his small circle’s decision, Ethiopia’s right of access to the sea was completely denied. It is noteworthy to mention here that even the so-called outside negotiators like Herman Cohen were baffled by Meles’s disregard of this distinct and less controversial possibility.
• Following the 1998-2000 war that killed over 70 thousand people, once again, the ruling group in Addis failed to protect the best interests of the Ethiopian people. The possibility for a military solution was sabotaged by the order of none other than the PM Meles Zenawi .
• The so called “Algers agreement “basically does not take into account, the historical, legal and strategic interests of Ethiopia. The Algers agreement hands Badme over to Eritrea and does not even contemplate providing Ethiopia with access to its historic and legal port of Assab.  As a number of prominent legal scholars have documented, the Algers agreement was a tragic miscarriage of justice. The “lawyers” representing Ethiopia were arguing in favour of Eritrea, not Ethiopia (see Asseb Yeman Nat, by Dr Yakob H.Mariam , 2004 Et Calendar).   As Leo Tolstoy, once wrote “Wrong does not cease to be wrong because the majority share in it.” ― Leo Tolstoy, A Confession . The unfairness of using colonial references to disadvantage Ethiopia was wrong and should not have been accepted as a legal base to settle such disputes. Assab and Bademe have and should always belong to Ethiopia. Anything less would be a betrayal of the inhabitants of these regions.
• Many of the then key decision makers within the TPLF/EPRDF now acknowledge that these were historical wrongs of the ruling TPLF/ EPRDF when it comes to issues related to Eritrea. Chief among those who have publicly declared their positions are the then President Negaso Gidada, PM Tamrat Layne, Defence Minsiter Seye Abraha, and Mr Gebru Asrat (then then Governor of Kilil One -Tigray Region).
• Even today, issues related to Eritrea are not yet fully settled. At this point, the ruling TPLF/ EPRDF has an opportunity to right some of the wrongs of the past. Hence, It should stand firm and demonstrate that it stands for the best interests of Ethiopia. The interest of 97 million people should not be in any way compromised. The involved world knows how misguided and lopsided both Eritrean referendum of 1993 and the Algers Agreement of post war 1998-2000 have been. There is nothing wrong to take measures to address the injustice done to Ethiopia.

Action matters

The current leaders of TPLF/EPRDF have to understand that they cannot and should not continue to disadvantage and disregard their own country. The government of PM Hailemariam Desalegn should learn from the bad and fatalistic practices of the past  and conduct business by being loyal to the will and desire of Ethiopians and Ethiopia’s own sovereign interest – not to the will of some foreign power. This government should not surrender the right of Ethiopia to have full access to the sea port. Ethiopia cannot continue to pay tens of millions of dollars to others to use their port and put our national interest in jeopardy.

Until such time that EPRDF/TPLF shows its commitment to Ethiopian Unity, it will continue to pay dearly and suffer from lack of trust by Ethiopians.  One can not buy trust with money, by intimidation or through misleading propaganda.  It has to be earned by traveling through painstaking process.  As the saying goes, show clearly that you love the people and the people will in turn love you and/or at least respect you.

Clearly, everyone understands that there is no easy way to right all the wrongs committed in the last several years. However, now is the time for the ruling group in Ethiopia to do the right thing and set the country in the right direction. Ethiopia cannot afford to miss yet another opportunity to reclaim its legal and historical rights and assert itself. Action matters.  There is no justification whatsoever to continue on the path that has disadvantaged Ethiopia and relegated her to a dependent country on states like Djibouti.

What needs to be done now?

The government

• To start with, the ruling party should stop being obsessed about the opposition and holding to power forever. It should stop the desire to accommodate Issayas to cajole him in order to stop supporting the opposition. The government should trust the Ethiopian public not Issayas. Issayas is not trust worthy and there is no way one can satisfy his insatiable appetite for domination.
• The government should commit itself to find a way to right the wrong of the past 22 years when it comes to Issayas.  Clearly, this should inform all activities of the government moving forward.
• The right of the Afar, the Erob etc people to remain Ethiopians and Ethiopia’s historical as well as legal right to Assab should be fully asserted.  The government has to be committed to act on the best interests of Ethiopia not the interest of any foreign power.
• The border issue should be resolved without splitting Ethiopians in Tigray, Saho, the people of Erob and Afar into different countries. The government must protect the right of those who rightly claim their Ethiopianness. Badme belongs to Ethiopia as does Assab.
• Herman Cohens recommendation that “Ethiopia offer to accept a symbolic initial takeover by Eritrea of territory awarded by the EEBC, followed by the same day opening of dialogue with a totally open agenda”.  Should be fully rejected. Ethiopia cannot be tricked twice.
• The government should work with the opposition in order to develop a strong “Ethiopian position” for any negotiation or eventuality with Esayiyas Afewerki and his regime.
• The government should use this opportunity to develop a national dialogue and to build national consensus among all Ethiopian political forces. This opportunity should be used to bring lasting peace through national dialogue and by building national consensus and reconciliation.

The opposition

• Just like the ruling party, everyone in the Ethiopian opposition should also clarify   its position when it comes to the issue of Eritrea. Saying nothing on such important matter is tantamount to endorsing the statusquo. And the statusquo is not in the best interest of Ethiopia.
• Engage EPRDF/TPLF in order to develop a strong Ethiopian position vis-à-vis the   Isayas/Shabia position.
• Use this opportunity to develop trust for national dialogue and to build national consensus and reconciliation among all Ethiopian stakeholders.
• Discharge its/their responsibility to the public faithfully by providing  timely and accurate information about the status of any “negotiation” or rapprochement  with Isayas and Shabiya

The Ethiopian public

• Be vigilant and follow diligently any action related to negotiation/ dialogue with Issays / Shabiya.  An informed public is an empowered public.
• Speak to the politicians both within the government and the opposition to pressure them to stand up for a strong Ethiopian interest and to redress past mistakes. An engaged public is the key to influencing political decisions and the future of our collective destiny.
• Use this opportunity to pursue a national dialogue and to build national consensus among all Ethiopians. Our future is intertwined and we cannot afford to leave any one behind or exclude any Ethiopian.
• Members of the Ethiopian media, both diaspora based and locally, should also discharge their professional obligation by reporting without any biases and by holding politicians accountable. Media biases have become the centre of our political life and that has to change.

Ethiopia is bigger than the political ambition of any single politician or political party. The interstate of Ethiopia goes beyond the interest of one party.  Ethiopia has room for all of its citizens. The party that reflects the interest of Ethiopia will always be the winner of the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people during election times.

Now Ethiopians have an opportunity to reclaim our collective destiny and to jump start our bright future through a national consensus. TPLF/EPRDF too has yet another opportunity to demonstrate that it has learnt from its mistakes. Let us not spoil this opportunity.

Ethiopia does not have to be bound by the defective Algers Agreement and the decisions of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC). The new leadership in Addis should not be bound by the meaningless Algers Agreement and simplistic and outdated ideological gimmick. Just like the treaty of Wuchale that favored Italy’s interest over Ethiopia, we should reject the Algers agreement; because the Algers agreement too is unfair to Ethiopia. Anything less will be unacceptable to Ethiopians everywhere.

It is important to note that foreign governments (weak or strong) have their own interest. And when they recommend solutions, it is first and foremost to protect their own national interests.

Ethiopia has no one but its sons and daughters to protect it. The sons and daughters include the politicians within the ruling party as well as in the opposition. Better late than never, the politicians in the ruling party and its supporters need to stand up for Ethiopians interest now.

I urge the public to engage actively on this issue, make your voices heard by writing, discussing in all pal talk rooms, radio programs etc. Not doing so could have a colossal consequence for our beloved country both today and in the future too.

May God bless Ethiopia

Witness for Ethiopia’s Semayawi (Blue) Party

by Alemayehu G. Mariam*
Why I support Semayawi party as a political party

My support for Semayawi Party should be viewed as an expression of my total confidence in the power of Ethiopia’s young people. Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

In the days leading up to my speech at the first Semayawi (Blue) Party town hall meeting in Arlington, VA, just outside of Washington, D.C., on December 15, I was peppered with all sorts of questions. The one recurrent question revolved around my unreserved support for Semayawi Party after so many years of staying neutral and unaligned with any Ethiopian political party or group.
As I explained in my interview on ethiotube.com, my support for Semayawi Party should be viewed as an expression of my total confidence in the power of Ethiopia’s young people to change the destiny of their country and their readiness to struggle for peaceful change. The percentage of Ethiopia’s population under the age of 35 today is 70 percent. The vast majority of the victims of human rights violations in Ethiopia today are young people. The targets of political persecution and harassment, arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, abuse and maltreatment in the prisons are largely young people. Young Ethiopians are disproportionately impacted by pandemic unemployment and lack of educational and economic opportunities.    
Here I record my “testimony” as a “witness” for Semayawi Party to affirm my unshakeable belief that Ethiopia’s youth shall overcome and rise above the dirty politics of ethnicity, pernicious religious animosity and audacious political mendacity to build a shining city upon the hill called the “Beloved Ethiopian Community.” This I believe to be the fixed historical destiny of Ethiopia’s young people today.
My “testimony” reveals only my personal views and opinions, and in no way reflects on any past, present or future official or unofficial position of Semayawi Party, its leadership or members. I have no role whatsoever in Semayawi Party. The only role I have is the one I have proudly conferred upon myself: “#1 Fan of Semayawi Party”.  My steadfast “testimony” here may raise eyebrows. I have heard some “criticism” that by showing strong support for Semayawi Party I am in fact playing a game of dividing society by age not unlike the divisive ethnic game of the regime in power. I will let the young people be the judge of that. As George Orwell said, “In times of universal deceit, telling the truth will be a revolutionary act.” I consider my “testimony” on behalf of Semayawi Party to be a “revolutionary act” against all of the political deceit, hypocrisy and chicanery in all around I see.
Why am I am the #1 cheerleader of Semayawi Party?
First, I support Semayawi Party because it is a political party of young people, for  young people and by young people. It is a party that aspires to represent the interests of the vast majority of Ethiopians. I underscore the fact that 70 percent of Ethiopia’s population today is under age 35. (Life expectancy in Ethiopia is between 49 and 59 years depending on the data source.) Ethiopia’s Cheetah (young) Generation needs a party of its own to represent the majority of Ethiopians. The Cheetahs need to speak up, stand up and wo/man up for themselves. Only they can determine their country’s destiny and their own.
The political parties of Hippos (my generation), by Hippos and for Hippos are simply out of sync with the dreams, aspirations, ambitions and passions of Ethiopia’s restless Cheetahs. We Ethiopian Hippos simply do not understand our Cheetahs. So many of us have been rolling in the mud of ethnic and killil (“bantustan” or “kililistan”) politics, muck of communalism and  sludge of historical grievances for so long that we have become completely paralyzed. Ethiopia’s Cheetahs do not want to be prisoners of antiquated identity politics nor do they want to walk around with the millstone of  the past tied around their necks. They want to break free and choose their own destiny and invent their own Ethiopia. 
As a not-so-loyal member of the “Order of Ethiopian Hippos”, I had great difficulty accepting the fact that Ethiopia’s  Cheetahs are very different from Ethiopian Hippos. I had great difficulty accepting the fact that the time has come for me and my Hippo Generation to  pass on the baton, stand aside and serve as humble water carriers for the restless Cheetahs. That is why I transformed myself from a Hippo to a Chee-Hippo, a transformation I documented in my commentary “Rise of the Chee-Hippo Generation”.
Second, I am deeply concerned about the future of Ethiopia’s youth. As I noted a few years ago, “The wretched conditions of Ethiopia’s youth point to the fact that they are a ticking demographic time bomb. The evidence of youth frustration, discontent, disillusionment and discouragement by the protracted economic crisis, lack of economic opportunities and political repression is manifest, overwhelming and irrefutable. The yearning of youth for freedom and change is self-evident. The only question is whether the country’s youth will seek change through increased militancy or by other peaceful means….” I believe Semayawi Party will play a significant role in channeling youth frustration into peaceful transformation in Ethiopia.
Third, I wholeheartedly believe in youth power. Youth idealism and enthusiasm have the power to change hearts, minds and nations. Youth power is more powerful than all the guns, tanks and war planes in the world. The American civil rights movement was carried on the backs of young people. The vast majority of the leaders and activists were young people. Dr. Martin Luther King was 26 years old when he organized the nonviolent protests in Birmingham, Alabama. By the time John Lewis was 23 years old, he had been jailed 24 times and beaten to a pulp on so many occasions that he does not remember. On May 6, 1963, over 2000 African American high school, junior high and even elementary school students were jailed for protesting discrimination in Birmingham.
Young Americans stopped the war in Vietnam. The free speech movement that began at a California university transformed free speech and academic freedom in the United States for good. Barack Obama would not have been elected president without the youth vote. Youth have also played a decisive role in the peaceful struggle to bring down communist tyrannies and more recently entrenched dictatorships in North Africa and the Middle East. The tyrants in the seat of power in Ethiopia today were “revolutionaries” in their youth fighting against imperial autocracy and military dictatorship. In their old age, they have become the very evil they fought to remove. 
I believe in the power of Ethiopia’s youth who have long played their part to bring about a democratic society and paid enormous sacrifices for decades. In 2005, the regime in power in Ethiopia today massacred hundreds of young people in cold blood in the streets and jailed tens of thousands. (I joined the human rights struggle in Ethiopia shocked and outraged by that crime against humanity.) Even today, Ethiopia’s young people continue to pay for democracy, freedom and human rights with their blood, sweat and tears. Ethiopia’s best and brightest have been persecuted, prosecuted, jailed, brutalized and  silenced. At the top of the list are Birtukan Midekssa, Eskinder Nega, Andualem Aragie, Reeyot Alemu, Bekele Gerba, Abubekar Ahmed, Woubshet Taye, Olbana Lelisa, Ahmedin Jebel, Ahmed Mustafa, Temesgen Desalegn, the late Yenesew Gebre and countless others.
Last but not least, I am in broad agreement with the Semayawi Party Program. It is a well-thought out and practical program that can effectively address the multifaceted problems of the country. In my special area of concern focusing on the administration of justice, human rights and enforcement of the rule of law, I find the Party’s program to be particularly robust. The Party supports a fully independent and competent judiciary completely insulated from political pressure and interference. Judges shall have lifetime tenure subject to impeachable offenses. The Party supports the establishment of a Constitutional Court with full judicial review powers. The Party pledges to abide by and respect all international treaties and conventions to which Ethiopia is a signatory.  The Party is committed to the full protection of individual rights, including the right to free speech and religion. There shall be strict separation of religion and state. The Party opposes any censorship of the press and curtailment of the activities of  civic organizations and associations. The Party’s program  emphatically states that the loyalty of the armed and security forces is to the country’s Constitution, and not to a political party, ethnic group, region or any other entity. The Party’s platform on economic, political, social and cultural issues is equally impressive.
Why I support Semayawi Party as a  movement and true voice of Ethiopia’s Cheetah (young) Generation
It is my opinion that Semayawi Party is much more than a political organization concerned with winning votes to hold political office. I would find nothing unique in Semayawi Party if it were merely an organization preparing itself for mundane elections and parliamentary seats. In a country where there are over 80 “registered parties” (the vast majority of which are nominal ethnic parties) and the ruling “party” wins “elections” by 99.6 percent, it would be absurd to create another party such as Semayawi to compete for a miniscule less than one-half percent of the votes. That is why I believe Semayawi Party is indeed a movement of young people, by young people and for young people in Ethiopia.
I regard “Semayawi Party Movement” to be an organizational mechanism to articulate the dreams and ideals of Ethiopia’s young people about the country they want to build for themselves and pass on to the next generation. As a Movement, Semayawi Party serves in various capacities. It is as an “educational” institution enlightening young Ethiopians about the history, traditions and cultures of their diverse country. It teaches young Ethiopians that they are the proud descendants of patriots who united as one indivisible people to beat and route a mighty invading European army. Unlike today, Ethiopia was once the pride of all Africans and black people throughout the world. The Movement aims to regain Ethiopia’s pride in the community of nations.
I share in “Semayawi Party Movement’s” core values. Semayawi Party believes in peaceful nonviolent struggle against tyranny and injustice. I champion peaceful nonviolent struggle against tyranny and injustice anywhere in the world. Semayawi Party believes in the transformative power of Ethiopia’s youth. A compilation of all of the weekly commentaries I have written on Ethiopian (and African) youth over the past 7 years could easily form  a book length apologia (defense) of the transformative power of Ethiopia’s youth. My slogan has always been and remains, “Ethiopia’s youth united can never be defeated. Power to Ethiopia’s youth!”
Semayawi Party Movement has only one goal: Creating the “Beloved Ethiopian Community” in the same vein that Dr. Martin Luther King dreamed of creating his “Beloved Community” in his long struggle for human and civil rights in America. Dr. King taught, “The end of nonviolent social change is reconciliation; the end is redemption; the end is the creation of the Beloved Community. It is this type of spirit and this type of love that can transform opponents into friends.” I believe the “Beloved Ethiopian Community” shall soon rise from the ashes of the kililistan (bantustan) Ethiopia has become.
The foundation for Semayawi Party Movement’s “Beloved Ethiopian Community” is unity, peace and hope. A “Beloved Ethiopian Community” is united by its humanity and is immune from destruction by the divisive forces of ethnicity and communalism. It is a Community that strives to establish equality, equity and accountability. The “Beloved Ethiopian Community” is a society at peace with itself and its neighbors. I believe Semayawi Party aspires to invent a new society free from ethnic bigotry and hatred; free from fear and loathing and free from tyranny and repression. Semayawi Party aims to build a Community where all Ethiopians –  rich and poor, young and old, men and women, Christian and Muslim — are free to dream, free to think, free to speak, to write and to listen; free to worship without interference; free to innovate; free to act and free to be free. I believe Semayawi Party Movement will use peace creatively to transform enmity, animosity and bellicosity in Ethiopian society into amity, cordiality and comity. I believe the Movement will choose  dialogue over diatribe, negotiation over negation, harmony over discord and use principles that elevate humanity to defeat brutality, criminality and intolerance.   
The “Beloved Ethiopian community” is a “land of hope and dreams.” It is a community where young people could look forward to equal opportunity, equal justice and equal rights. It is a community where Ethiopia’s youth can freely share their common hopes and dreams. I have faith in Ethiopian youth’s  “audacity of hope”.
Let us ask what we can do for Semayawi Party  
I encourage and plead with all Ethiopians, particularly those in my Hippo Generation, to stand up and be counted on the side of Semayawi Party Movement. I know many have legitimate questions, doubts and skepticisms based on unpleasant past experiences as they consider lending their support. I have been asked, “How can we trust these young and inexperienced leaders to do the right thing?” I answer back, “How well did our experienced and trusted Hippo leaders do?”
Surviving under the most vicious dictatorship in Africa brings out the very best in many young people. Semayawi Party Movement leaders, members and supporters have shown us what they are made of: courage, integrity, discipline, maturity, bravery, honor, fortitude, creativity, humility, idealism and self-sacrifice. They have been arrested, jailed and beaten. They did not stop their peaceful struggle. What more sacrifice must they make before they can convince us that they deserve our full support? They are young and passionate; and they have all of the experience they need to continue their peaceful struggle for change.
Some have asked me for assurances that Semayawi Party is not a front for the regime or other hidden forces. All I can say is that if Semayawi Party Movement leaders, members and supporters are regime lackeys, then so are Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam, Prof. Yacob Hailemariam, and to mention in passing, Prof. Al Mariam. If the regime is so clever as to use Semayawi Party to broadcast its commitment to the rule of law and democratic governance, I am all for it. If today the regime released all political prisoners (including those held in secret prisons), repealed its oppressive laws, stopped massive human rights violations and stealing elections, I will be the first one to go out in the street and sing them praises. It is not about the people in power; it’s about the evil done by people in power.
I have been told that nearly all Ethiopian political organizations that have been launched in the past decade or so  have eventually failed. I have been asked, “How can you be sure Semayawi Party will not fail?” There are no guarantees Semayawi Party will not fail. If it fails, it will not be for lack of willpower, enthusiasm, dedication and sacrifice by Semayawi Party leaders and members. It will be mainly because of lack of support, lack of good will, lack of confidence, lack of generosity and  lack of material and moral support from their compatriots inside Ethiopia and in the Diaspora. If they should fail and we feel arrogant enough to wag an index finger at them and say, “I told you so!”, let us not forget that three fingers will be pointing at us silently. Nelson Mandela pleaded, “Do not judge me by my successes, judge me by how many times I fell down and got back up again.” Let us judge Semayawi Party not by the chances that it will slip and fall in the future but by how many times it is able to get back up after it falls, with our help and support.
Some have expressed concern to me that their financial contributions could be abused as has happened so many times in the past. They want assurances of strict accountability and transparency. They ask me, “How can we be sure Semayawi Party will not abuse our trust as others have in the past?”
The Semayawi Party Support Group in North America is a gathering of the most dynamic and disciplined group of young Ethiopians I have had the privilege to know and work with. These young Ethiopians have committed significant resources out of their own pockets to support the cause of Ethiopian youth. They are young professionals and private businessmen and women representing the ethnic, gender and cultural diversity of Ethiopia. They understand and appreciate the values of  accountability and transparency. They relate with each other on the basis of honesty and integrity. For my money, I have no problems taking chances with them because I am convinced they will not let me down! I have full faith in the integrity of Ethiopia’s young people; that is my guarantee they will do the right thing.
In my speech at the first town hall meeting for Semayawi Party on December 15, I told the audience that Yilikal Getnet, the chairman of Semayawi Party, did not come to the United States to beg for support or panhandle for nickels and dimes.  Semayawi Party does not want a handout or charity from us in North America. Yilikal came to America to share with us the trials and tribulations of his party, the challenges they face, their humble accomplishments under a brutal dictatorship and the dreams and hopes of Ethiopia’s young people for a free and democratic Ethiopia.
I believe that in all of the town hall meetings scheduled for Semayawi Party in the U.S., we should receive Yilikal, Semayawi Party members and supporters as heroes of a growing youth movement for peaceful change in Ethiopia. We must use the town hall meetings to celebrate not only the individual acts of heroism of youth leaders like Yilikal, Eskinder, Andualem, Reeyot and so many others but also to rejoice in the raw heroism of those young people demonstrating in the streets crying out “Anleyayim! Anleyayim!” (We will remain united!) or ‘Ethiopia, Agarachin! Ethiopia, Agerachin! (Ethiopia, our country!). (I always get a lump in my throat when I hear them chanting “Anleyayim! Agerachin, Ethiopia!)
For me, Yilikal’s presence in our midst as the leader of Semayawi Party is a reminder that the young people who were massacred in 2005 peacefully demonstrating a stolen election did not die in vain. He is a live witness that the peaceful struggle of those massacred for free and fair elections and the rule of law continues no matter what. So the question for us is: What can we do for Semayawy Party Movement? A better question is how do we show our appreciation, respect and admiration to our young heroes — the fallen ones, the ones in jail, the ones being tortured, those facing daily harassment, persecution and humiliation?
Semayawi Party Movement needs all the support they can get. They need our moral support. They need our encouragement; they need to know we have confidence in them. Most of all, they need material support to undertake their youth outreach, education and awareness programs. They need material support to expand and sustain their organizational presence throughout the country. They need material support to maintain a robust legal defense fund. They need our material support to stand up to the richest, most corrupt and ruthless dictatorship on the African continent.
Our financial gift to Semayawi Party Movement is merely a token of our appreciation and an indication that we are with them as long as they keep their peaceful struggle for justice, equality, democracy and human rights. Our gift to Semayawi Party Movement is an investment in an Ethiopia at peace with itself. We give so that the next generation of Ethiopians will live in a new Ethiopia unburdened by our mistakes and ignorance. It is our individual and social responsibility to support our young people. If we don’t support our children – all of the young people in Ethiopia – who will?
Let us ask what Semayawi Party can do for us
In August 2012, I asked, “Who can save Ethiopia?” in a commentary titled, “Cheetahs, Hippos and Saving Ethiopia”. I pleaded with Ethiopia’s youth to lead  a national dialogue in search of a path to peaceful change. I have repeated my appeal to them in various ways since then.
I call upon Semayawi Party Movement to continue and intensify the reconciliation dialogue among themselves and launch a reconciliation dialogue in the broader Ethiopian youth community. I believe the dialogue on national reconciliation in Ethiopia must begin within Ethiopia’s youth communities. Ethiopia’s Cheetah’s must empower themselves, create their own political and social space, set their own agendas and begin multifaceted dialogues on their country’s transition from dictatorship to democracy through dialogue.  They must develop their own awareness campaigns and facilitate vital conversations among youth communities cutting across language, religion, ethnicity, gender, region and so on. Their dialogues must be based on the principles of openness, truth and commitment to democracy, freedom and human rights. They must dialogue without fear or loathing, but with respect and civility.  Above all, the Cheetahs must “own” the dialogue process. At a gathering of Cheetahs, Hippos should be seen and not heard very much; welcomed and encouraged to observe Cheetahs in action. The Cheetahs must keep a sharp eye on wily Hippos who are very skillful in manipulating youth. They should learn not to fall in the trap young people fell during the “Arab Spring”. The cunning Hippos outplayed, outmaneuvered and marginalized them in the end.
I believe reconciliation dialogues should begin among activist youth in informal and spontaneous settings. For instance, such dialogues could initially take place among like-minded activist youth at the neighborhood and village level. Activist youth could undertake an assessment of their capabilities, potentials, opportunities and obstacles in setting up and managing a community-based informal reconciliation youth dialogues. Youth activist could focus on creating broader youth awareness and involvement in the dialogue process by utilizing existing organizations, institutions, associations and  forums.
Reconciliation dialogue involves not only talking but also actively listening to each other. Youth from Ethiopia’s multiethnic society have much to learn from each other and build upon the strengths of their diversity. Ethiopia’s Cheetahs should also learn from the mistakes of the Hippo Generation and the experiences of youths of other nations. I urge Ethiopia’s Cheetahs to be principled in their reconciliation dialogues. They should always disagree without being disagreeable. Disagreeing on issues should not mean becoming mortal enemies. Civility in dialogue, though lacking among Hippos, is essential for Cheetahs.   
Silence of our…?
“In times of universal deceit,” silence speaks louder than words and pictures. Dr. Martin Luther King said, “In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.” As I end this commentary, I must speak up against the “silence” of our “friends” because sometimes silence is more eloquent than speech. When the leader of Ethiopia’s youth party came to Washington, D.C. for the very first time and spoke to a capacity crowd of Ethiopians unseen in the past several years, the Voice of America (VOA) was conspicuously absent. VOA did not send a single reporter to cover the event. I do not know why the VOA decided to absent itself from the event. I do  know that the Semayawi Party event was no less important than the variety of Ethiopian sports, cultural, academic and community events and even book signings  VOA routinely covers on weekdays and weekends in around Washington, D.C. Perhaps for the VOA Semayawi Party and Ethiopia’s youth are a simple issue of mind over matter; VOA does not mind and Ethiopia’s youth don’t matter.
I want VOA to know that when they faced the slings and arrows of  Meles Zenawi, when Zenawi outrageously accused them of “promoting genocide in Ethiopia”, I stood up for them. I defended their integrity, professionalism and impartiality time and again. I expected the VOA to attend the Semayawi Party event and report on the proceedings with the integrity, professionalism and impartiality they have shown in the past. Perhaps Ethiopians will begin to ask whether the Voice of America is now the Silence of America (SOA). We will continue to listen to the SOA, but not in silence.
No more silence; let us shout out and show our support for Semayawi Party Movement
Let us be silent no more. Let us proudly proclaim our support for Semayawi Party Movement. Let’s stand tall and proud with them. Let’s show them we appreciate and support their peaceful and nonviolent struggle for change. Let’s assure them that no matter how long it takes to walk the long road to freedom, we will be with them. They will be victorious in the end. Let’s show Semayawi Party Movement we love them!
Ethiopia’s youth united can never be defeated. Power to Ethiopia’s Youth!
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.

ሻምበል ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስ ጻፉ

Click here for PDF
ክንፉ አሰፋ
ፀሃይ አሳታሚ ድርጅት በታኅሣሥ 16, 2006 ዓ/ም (Dec. 25, 2013)  የቀድሞ የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር የነበሩትን የሻምበል ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስን ‘እኛና አብዮቱ’ የሚል መጽሃፍ  ለገበያ እንደሚያበቃ አስታወቀ። ሻምበል ፍቅረሥላሴ እንደ ደርግ አባልነታቸው በጋራ ያመኑበትን፣ የተማከሩትን፣ የወሰኑትን፣ የሰሩትን፣ የገጠማቸውንና በቅርብ በዓይን ምስክርነት ያዩትን ተንትነው በ‘እኛና አብዮቱ’ ያስነብቡናል። የራሳቸውን ዕይታ ያካፍሉናል።
ልጅ ሆነን አንድ አባባል እሰማ ነበር።”አበላል እንደ ደርግ አባል። አለባበስ እንደ ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስ!” – የሚል። በተለይ በኔ ትውልድ ያለን ሰዎች፣ ከዚህ ውጭ ስለኝህ ሰው የምናውቀው ብዙም ነገር አልነበረም። ግና እኝህ ሰው በልባቸው መክሊት ለአመታት የቋጠሩትን መረጃ ጀባ ሲሉን፤”… አጻጻፍም እንደ ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስ” የሚያሰኝ ሆኖ አገኘሁት።
ሻምበል ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስ ለአስራ አምስት ዓመታት አብዮቱን ሲመሩ ቆይተው ወደ መጨረሻው ከሥልጣን በጡረታ ስም እንዲሰናበቱ ተደርገዋል። ደርግን በጣለው በወያኔ መንግሥትም ለ፳ ዓመታት ታስረው፣ የሞት ፍርድ የተበየነባቸውና በመጨረሻ ፍርዱ ወደ ዕድሜ ልክ ተዛውሮላቸው ከእሥር ቤት በአመክሮ የወጡ ግለሰብ ናቸው።
ጸሃፊው በድራማ መልክ በመጽሃፋቸው ካሰፈሩዋቸው እውነታዎችና ግለ-ሂሶች ውስጥ አንዳንዶቹን ለአንባቢያን ማካፈሉ አይከፋም።  ደርጎች መፈንቅለ መንግስት አድርገው ሲያበቁ ቀዳማዊ ሃይለስላሴ ዘንድ ቀርበው ከንጉሱ የገጠማቸውን አስገራሚ ምላሽ ሻምበል ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስ  በመጽሃፋቸው እንዲህ ሲሉ አስፍረዋል።

የፖለቲካ እሥረኞች በሙሉ እንዲፊቱ የሚለው ጥያቄ እንደተነበበ ንጉሡ ጣልቃ ገብተው “ለመሆኑ የፖለቲካ እሥረኞቹ እነማን ናቸው?” የሚል ጥያቄ አቀረቡ። “በእርግጥ የምናውቃቸው የፖለቲካ እሥረኞች ባይኖሩም ማንኛውም የፖለቲካ እሥረኛ እንዲፈታ ነው የምንጠይቀው” አሉ ሻለቃ ተስፋዬ ገብረኪዳን። ንጉሡ ራሳቸውን ነቅነቅ አድርገው ጽሑፉን የሚያነበውን የደርግ አባል እየተመለከቱ “አልገባችሁም!” ብለው ዝም አሉ። በእርግጥም አልገባንም። ተማሪዎችና የተለየ ዓላማ የነበራቸው የተማሩ ሰዎች የሰነዘሩትን መፈክር ብቻ ነበር ይዘን ንጉሡ ፊት የቀረብነው። በፖለቲካ እሥረኝነት ስም በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ለጣሊያን ወራሪ መንግሥት በባንዳነት አድረው አገራችንን የወጉ፣ ለቅኝ ተገዥነትም የዳረጉትን እንደ ኃይለሥላሴ ጉግሳ ያሉ ወንጀለኞች የፖለቲካ እሥረኞች ተብለው ከግዞትና ከእሥር ቤት አስወጥተን እንደ ጀግና ራሳቸውን እንዲቆጥሩ አደረግናቸው።

የነ ጄነራል ተፈሪ በንቲ ጉዳይን አስመልክቶ የሰፈረው ታሪክ ደግሞ እንዲህ ይነበባል።

“በሊቀመንበርነት ስብሰባውን የሚመሩት ጄነራል ተፈሪ ‘የቋሚ ኮሚቴው’በዛሬው ቀን የሚወያይበትን ጉዳይ አስመልክቶ የመቶ አለቃ ዓለማየሁ የደርጉ ዋና ፀሐፊ ይገልጽልናል’ ብለው ስብሰባው መጀመሩን ካበሰሩ በኋላ ዓለማየሁ በአጀንዳው ላይ አጭር ገለጣ ማድረግ ሲጀምር ስልክ ተደወለ። ስልኩ ሌ/ኮሎኔል መንግሥቱ አጠገብ ስለነበር ወዲያው ቅጭል እንዳለ መነጋገሪያውን በማንሳት ሃሎ አሉ። ከሌላው ጫፍ ማን እንደደወለ አላወቀንም። በኋላ እንደታወቀው ሌ/ኮሎኔል ዳንኤል ነበር የደወለው። ምን እንደተነጋገሩ አልተሰማም። ሌ/ኮሎኔል መንግሥቱ ብቻ “እሺ እሺ” ብለው ስልኩን ዘጉት። ስልኩን እንደዘጉ “ይቅርታ ስልኩ የተደወለው ከጎንደር ነው። ጎንደር ውስጥ ችግር አለ። እናንተ ቀጥሉ” ብለው ከጀርባቸው ባለው በር በኩል ውልቅ አሉ። በዚህን ጊዜ ዓለማየሁና ሞገስ ጥርጣሬ የገባቸው መሰለ።  ዓለማየሁ ንግግሩን አቋርጦ በመስኮት በኩል ውጭ ውጭዉን መመልከት ጀመረ። ዓይኖቹ አላርፍ አሉ። ግራና ቀኝ ይመለከታል። አጠገቡ ያሉትን ሰዎች ሁሉ በጥርጣሬ ተመለከተ። ሻምበል ሞገስም በር በሩን ይመለከታል። ከአሁን አሁን አንድ ችግር ይከሰታል የሚል ፍርሃት ያደረበት ይመስላል። ሁሉም የኢሕአፓ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ፈርተዋል። እንደፈሩት አልቀረም ሌ/ኮሎኔል መንግሥቱ ከወጡ ሁለት ደቂቃ እንኳን አልሞላም ከበስተጀርባ ባለው ኮሪደር የወታደሮችን እርምጃ ሰማን። ወታደሮች ሲንቀሳቀሱ በፊት ለፊታችን ባሉት መስኮቶች በኩል ተመለከትን። በዚህን ጊዜ ፍስሐ ደስታ “ተከብበናል” አለ። ወዲያው ሁለቱም በሮች በኃይል ተበረገዱ። ሁላችንም ደነገጥን፣ ቀልባችን ተገፈፈ፣ እጢአችንም የወደቀ መሰለን። ድርቅ ብለን በተቀመጥንበት ቀረን።…

ሻምበል ፍቅረሥላሴ ወግደረስ ሰለ ልጅ ሚካኤልን አስተዋይነት ሲያስታውሱ እንዲህ የሚል ግለሂስም ያስነብቡናል።

እኛ በችኮላ ውሳኔ መስጠታችን፣ ሕዝቡን በደንብ አለማወቃችን፣ ሰፊ የሕዝብ አመራር ልምድ ማጣታችን፣ የአገርና የውጭውን ፖለቲካ ውስብሰባዊ ግንኙነት አለመገንዘባችን፣ የመንግሥትን አሠራር ደንብና ሥርዓት አለመረዳታችን፣ የፖለቲካና ኢኮኖሚ ጥመርታዊ ግንኙነትን መመልከት አለመቻላችን፣ የተለያየ ገንቢም ሆነ አፍራሽ ተልዕኮ ያላቸው ኃይሎች ተጽዕኖ እንደሚያሳድሩብ ያለማጤናችን፣ በየዋህነትና በቅንነት ብቻ እንደምንሠራ በመገንዘባቸው ሊሆን ይችላል ልጅ ሚካኤል ከእኛ ጋር መቆየት የሚችሉት ለአጭር ጊዜ ብቻ እንደሚሆን የጠቆሙት…

በወቅቱ ስለ ህዝቡ የእርስ በርስ መጨካከንና መወነጃጀል ባሰፈሩት ክፍል ውስጥ እንዲህ የሚል ታሪክ እናገኛለን።

..የሥራ ዕድገት የተከለከለ፣ በሌብነትም ሆነ በስካር ወይም በሌላ ጥፋት የተቀጣ፣ በግል ጉዳይም ሆነ በመንግሥት ሥራ ከአለቃው ጋር የተጣላ፣ በአጋጣሚው ተጠቅሞ አዲስ ሹመት ወይንም ዕድገት ለማግኘት የሚፈልግ ሁሉ ጠቋሚ፣ ወንጃይ፣ ከሳሽ፣ ተበዳይ ነው።

የተወሰነ ጥቅም ለማግኘት ወይም ሌላውን ለመጉዳት ብለው “ኢትዮጵያ ትቅደምን ይቃወማል፣ ከታሠሩት ባለሥልጣናት ወይም ሚኒስትሮች የቅርብ ዝምድና አለው። ስለሆነም ሥራ ይበድላል፣ ሠራተኛውን ያጉላላል፣ ውሳኔ አይሰጥም” በማለት አለቆቻቸውን የሚከሱ፣ የሚወነጅሉ በርካታ ናቸው። ለደርግ አባላት ቤታቸው ድረስ በመሄድ በማስረጃ የተደገፈ ቢሆንም ባይሆንም ተቆርቋሪ በመምሰል የክስ ማመልከቻ የሚያቀርቡም ነበሩ። እንታሠራለን ብለው በፍርሃት የተደበቁ ባለሥልጣናትን የቅርብ ዘመዶቻቸው ወይም አሽከሮቻቸው ወይም ጎረቤቶቻቸው ደርግ ጽሕፈት ቤት ድረስ በመምጣት ያጋልጧቸው ነበር። የመሥሪያ ቤቶችን ሰነዶች ፎቶ ኮፒ በማድረግ ወይም ሰነዱን እንዳለ ከፋይሉ አውጥተው በማቅረብ “በመንግሥት ንብረት፣ ሀብት ወይንም ገንዘብ ላይ አላግባብ ተወስኗል” ብለው ጥቆማና መረጃ የሚያቀርቡም ነበሩ። ሠራተኞች አሠሪዎቻቸውን ይከሳሉ፣ ይወነጅላሉ። ገበሬዎች ለዘመናት በደል አደረሱብን የሚሏቸውን የአካባቢ ባለሥልጣናት ይወነጅላሉ። ውንጀላው በርካታ ነው።

አሽከሮች፣ ዘበኞች፣ ገረዶች… መረጃ ይሰጣሉ፣ ይጠቁማሉ። የተደበቀ የጦር መሣሪያ፣ የተደበቀ ገንዘብ፣ ወደሌላ ቦታ የተወሰደ ወይም የሸሸ ሀብት እንዳለም የሚጠቁሙን እነሱ ናቸው። በአንድ ቦታ በርከት ያሉ ሰዎች ተሰብስበው ምሽት ከአሳላፉ “ሲያድሙ ነበር” ብለው ከነስም ዝርዝራቸው መረጃውን ደርግ ጽሕፈት ቤት ድረስ ያመጣሉ። “እኛ እስከዛሬ የበይ ተመልካች ነበርን ዛሬ ዕድሜ ለእናንተ እንጀራ ሊወጣልን ነው! ከእናንተ ጎን ተሰልፈን አቆርቋዦቹን እንታገላለን! በማንኛውም ጊዜ ትዕዛዝ ብትሰጡን ለመፈጸም ዝግጁ ነን!” እያሉ ታማኝነታቸውንና ተባባሪነታቸውን የሚገልጡም ብዙዎች ነበሩ። በጣም የሚያስደንቀው አባቶቻቸውን፣ ልጆቻቸውን፣ ወንድሞቻቸውን፣ እህቶቻቸውን፣ ባሎቻቸውን፣ ሚስቶቻቸውን በመክሰስ፣ በመወንጀል፣ በማጋለጥ፣ በመጠቆም ብሎም በማሳሰር ጉዳት ያደረሱ በርካቶች መሆናቸው ነው።

እንግዲህ ስለ አዲሱ ‘እኛና አብዮቱ’ መጽሃፍ ይህንን ካልኩ ቀሪውን ለአንባቢ መተው ይበጃል። ሁሉም ሰው መጽሃፉን አንብቦ የራሱን ፍርድ ይስጥ።
ህይወት በሩጫ ትመሰላለች። የተፈጥሮ ህግጋት ነውና የሰው ልጅ እስትንፋሱ እስኪቋረጥ ይሮጣል።  ከዚያም ሩጫውን ይጨርሳል። ሩጫውን ሳይጨርስ በልቡ ቋጥኝ የያዘውን እምቅ ቋጠሮ የሚተነፍስ ደግሞ እድለኛ ነው።  በአንጻሩ ደግሞ በአእምሮውየቋጠረውን የእውቀት ምስጢር ሳያካፍል የሚያልፍ ሁሉ ያሳዝናል። ያለውን የወረወረ ንፉግ አይደለምና መንቀፍም ካለብን የሚወረውረውን ሳይሆን የማይወረውረውን ነው። መተቸት ካለብነም ሃሳቡን እንጂ ግለሰቡን ባይሆን ይመረጣል። በሃሳብ ላይ መወያየትና መተሻሸት ደግሞ አዋቂነት ነው።
በመጨረሻም የመጽሃፉ አርታኢ ኤልያስ ወንድሙ በመግቢያው ላይ ባሰፈረው መልእክት ጽሁፌን ልቋጭ።
የተማረ፣ ያወቀና ያደገ ትውልድና ዜጋ ምልክቱ የተጻፈን ማንበቡ፣ ያነበበውን ማብላላቱና ካነበበው ውስጥ ስንዴውን ከእንክርዳዱ መለየቱ ሲሆን፤ እራሱም አስተውሎና አገናዝቦ መጻፉ ደግሞ መማሩን ብቻ ሳይሆን መመራመሩንና ማወቁን የሚያሳይ ታላቅ ተግባር ነው። ለዚህም ደግሞ ግላዊ ነጻነት ያስፈልገዋልና ጫንቃው ላይ ያሉትን ግላዊና ታሪካዊ ቀንበሮች የሰበረ ነጻ ሰው መሆን ይጠበቅበታል። ትምህርትና ዕውቀት አስተዋይነትንና ጥልቀትን ከራስ በላይ ለትውልድ አሳቢነትን የሚያመለክት ታላቅ ኃላፊነት ነው። ለዚህም እንደ ትናንቱ ‘የተማረ ይግደለን’ ሳይሆን፤ የተማረ ያስተምረን፣ ያስተዳድረን ብሎም ይምራን በምንልበት ዘመን ከምናነብበው ውስጥ ያልተስማማንበትን በጨዋነት የመቃወም፣ የፈቀድነውን እንደ ስሜታችን የመደገፍና ተሳሳተ የምንለውን ለእርማት መጠቆም ግላዊ መብታችን ነው።…
* ፀሃይ አሳታሚ ድርጅት ከዚህ በፊት የቀድሞው የኢትዮጵያ ፕሬዝዳንት ኮሎኔል መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያምን፣ የቀድሞውን የህወሃት መሪ ዶ/ር አረጋዊ በርሄን፣ የቀድሞውን የኢህአፓን አመራር አባል የዶ/ር መላኩ ገኝን፣ የቀድሞው ሚንስትር  የአቶ ተካልኝ ገዳሙን መጽሃፍትና  ከስልሳ በላይ የሆኑ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክና ጥናት ላይ ያተኮሩ መጽሃፍትን ማሳታሙ ይታወሳል። ‘እኛና አብዮቱ’ የሚለው ይህ አዲስ መጽሃፍ በwww.tsehaipublishers.com ድረገጽና በቀርቡ በየሱቁ አንደሚገኝ ከሎስ አንጀነሰ የደረሰን ዘገባ  አስታውቋል። ሁላችንም ገዘተን እናንብብ።
መጽሃፉን አንብቤ እንደጨረስኩ በሂሳዊ ግምገማ እመለስበታለሁ።

S. Africa Dismisses Report Mandela Trained by Israeli Agents

The South African Nelson Mandela foundation on Saturday denied the report that Mandela received the training from Israeli agents in 1962.

General Tadesse Birru gave a pistol to Nelson Mandela as he returned to South Africa

“We can confirm that we have not located any evidence in Nelson Mandela’s private archive that he interacted with an Israeli operative,” the foundation said in a statement.
The statement came after a British newspaper website reported on Friday that Mandela underwent weapons training by Israeli agents in Ethiopia in 1962 without Israeli agents knowing his true identity. The report claimed its source from “an intriguing secret letter lodged in the Israeli state archives.”
Denying the allegation, the foundation said “media have picked up on a story.”
Mandela received military training from Algerian freedom fighters in Morocco and from the Ethiopian Riot Battalion outside Addis Ababa before returning to South Africa in July 1962, according to the foundation.
“In 2009 our senior researcher travelled to Ethiopia and interviewed the surviving men who assisted in Mandela’s training, no evidence emerged of an Israeli connection,” said the statement.
On Dec. 5, the anti-apartheid icon passed away at his residence in Johannesburg at the age of 95.
Mandela became the first elected black president in South Africa after the end of the apartheid system in 1994.
Source CRI English

The Absurdity of Arguments and the Need to Deal With them constructively

by T. Goshu
It is this month that the Republic of South Africa has said goodbye to her truly patriotic and her greatest statesman, Nelson Mandela once and for all. Of course, the goodbye (farewell) is not to his legacy of paying a huge sacrifice for the realization of freedom which has finally been accomplished through “TRUTH FOR RECONCILIATION”; and which was of course the best avenue for a country like South Africa. In other words, although that process was/is not without its own worrisome shortcomings, especially when it comes to making a meaningful change for the betterment of socio-economic lives of black citizens; any other avenue other than “RECONCILIATION AND TOLERANCE” would have been disastrous. I think it is from this perspective that it is safe to say that the way Nelson Mandela dealt with the then apartheid political system was fairly wise and remarkably objective. When I say a farewell once and for all, I mean in terms of physical or bodily farewell, not to the presence and endurance of the great work he has left behind.
Well, I do not want to go into the business of political guess about the question of who would be another self-less statesmen/women to carry on his legacy. But, given what is going on almost in all of  African politics at this moment in time ( South Africa included), I unfortunately do not have any strong reason to be truly optimistic about the possibility of the emergence of a political personality which genuinely internalizes the great legacy of Nelson Mandela.   I am not declaring kind of pessimism that a resolute and well- organized struggle for freedom and justice with an intensive and extensive participation by the people themselves would not create its own relatively honest ,capable and willing leader who could advance the legacy of Nelson Mandela. Absolutely not! What I am trying to reflect is that it will not be easy to have another Mandela in that continent which is being badly infected with ruling elites who are determined to stay in power by suppressing ,if not terrorizing their own people while they “vow and swear” to follow the footstep of Mandela.  It is also not easy to produce another Mandela from dissenting opposition political forces as they themselves are suffering from all kinds of their own troubles. Anyway, the very change for the better, would heavily depend on how the people would play the decisive role and determine their own destiny/fate even with a leadership that is short of carrying on Mandela’s legacy in its full-fledged sense.
I wanted to begin my comment with the above introductory paragraphs because I want to make clear that the viewpoints I am interested to make under the topic I chose are one way or another related to the passing away of the great statesman of our time, Nelson Mandela. What the comment is about and how I want to approach it? Let me proceed and try to make my view points as clear and straight-forward as possible.
Following the death of Nelson Mandela, the SBS Australia (12/10/13) and ESAT (12/11/13) conducted their interviews with the former ruthlessly dictatorial president of Ethiopia, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. Although the colonel tried to use the opportunity to present himself as patriotic and revolutionary ex- leader, the main focuses of the interviews were to hear his reflection and feelings about the passing away of Mandela. As Ethiopia was one of the African countries which had a significant role in supporting the struggle against apartheid and the national liberation movements in Southern Africa (both during the reign of Emperor Hailesellasie and the tyrannical rule of the Derg)   , there is nothing wrong to hear from those who either had firsthand information or who wanted to tell their own side of stories. And it goes without saying that looking for these kinds of people wherever they may be and make them talk (interview) about their reflections, viewpoints on occasions such as the one we are talking about is the right thing to do for an independent (free) media both in terms of principle  practical aspect. Yes, the very judgment on whether an interviewee such as Colonel Mengistu is trustworthy, or stupidly arrogant and with no any moral authority should be left to the listeners (the people). I think that was what the SBS Australia and ESAT have done. They did not hold their interviews with the colonel either based on the criteria of whether he was a good/democratic leader or a horrible dictator. Neither their purposes were to reconfirm the political crime he had committed. They neither interviewed him to hear what they wanted to hear nor to please or to disappoint that or this party. I do argue that if we are expecting this type journalism, especially in this 21^st century; we must be either so naïve or intentionally ignorant or else deliberately unconstructive.  Let me reiterate that as independent media, their main objective is to invite individuals or groups to have their own say and leave the rest for public debate and judgment. I think it was clear from the interviews they held with him that given his highest political position he held at the time, it was good to hear what he wanted to say about Nelson Mandela and his association with Ethiopia. That was it! I do not know what is wrong with that. And I do not think blaming, if not black mailing independent media for doing their rightful job does make any sense at all.
To be more specific and straight-forward, let me mention some of the absurd arguments expressed in the form of statement – (“meglecha”), articles, and request for an apology. I do not want here to go into my personal experience during the reign of the military dictatorship to prove that I am one of those who strongly believe that the colonel has neither any moral authority nor any political personality as far as telling the truth about what happened to the Ethiopian people in the 1970s is concerned.  I do not need also to go into my firsthand experience about what went wrong with the leadership of EPRP that had caused a lot of damages to hundreds of thousands of its Youth Wing members, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Youth League which I belonged to because of making terrible tactical mistakes of applying urban armed struggle. I strongly believe that as any other many chapters of our terribly messed up political history, our political crisis of the 17-years (1970s and 80s) requires a well-settled, matured, rational/realistic, a high level of civility, and above all a forward –looking way of thinking and doing things. I am not that saying those who had committed serious political crime should not be held responsible and accountable.

1. The EPRP (I do not know which faction is this) Radio of Finote Democracy of December 15, 2013 read out “official statement” of the party titled “Making an Effort to Renew the Name of the Main Enemy of the People is a crime”- ( Yehizib Wanna  Telatn Semin Lemades Metar Wonjel Nawu).” What is terribly absurd about “this statement” is not because it condemns the colonel as a horrible former dictator; but it categorically characterizes those independent media which have held interview with him as sympathizers of his criminal acts and records. I do argue that this kind argument (political mentality) does suffer from a very terrible absurdity. And I am sorry to say but I have to say that it is very unfortunate to witness the regurgitation of rhetoric that does not have any meaningful and constrictive value from my compatriots who claim having a long time of political experience.  Although I do not know for how long and for what purpose should we continue with this type of walking, but not forward; I hope those who have still chosen to go with this kind of unproductive way of thinking will change for the better with the help of the innocent people of Ethiopia who truly deserve better.

2. “To Purify Mengistu from Wickedness at the Expense of the Death of Mandela – (Bemandela Mot Mengistun Kegif Lemantsat) “is an article by Beljig Ali (12/15/13). Once again, I sincerely believe that  it is not only suffice to say that there is nothing wrong to strongly condemn anybody ( media or another form of group) that deliberately promotes those who have/had committed political crime but it is also the right thing to do.  The writer has used the case of Hitler’s book which “justifies” his fascistic atrocities against millions of Jews, and incalculable destruction he had caused internationally.  That is a very informative point. He informed us that the right to republish Hitler’s book expires 2015. Yes, there are similarities among all ruthless dictators; and if the writer is trying to show that side of the story when he mentions our case, that is unquestionably true. But, if he is putting the two cases on the same scale for sake of justifying his argument, I think that is a very highly skewed, if not misleading of way making cooperative politics. With regard to the book, my understanding is that it has been available for a long time, and I think the Germans have become seriously concerned about the tendency of using the book as a promoting and provoking weapon by some elements of Hitlerism. And that might be the reason to reconsider the right of republication. This is just to appreciate the writer for sharing the information and the view he has.

When it comes to the case of the interview with colonel Mengistu, I strongly believe arguing against the way the colonel presents himself is the right thing to do. However, the very troubling approach of the writer is well- reflected in his very topic he chose. I do not think coming up with this kind of never talk (interview) a person who did terrible things and who I do not like him or her sounds helpful at all.  Because that is not the sign of civility. What I want to mean by civility is the willingness and ability to deal with people with ideas that are against ours in rational and tolerant manner.  I also want to say that it is the right thing to vehemently comment if there was/is something significant went wrong during the interviews we are talking about.  But, it is absolutely absurd, if not irresponsibly stupid (the idea, not the person is stupid) to declare that, “These mass media try to rebury those compatriots who had been killed cruelly by Mengistu by interviewing Mengistitu.” I am not saying that there are no elements of media that may try to do that kind of dirty job. What I am specifically talking about is the media we are talking about, SBS and ESAT that have held interviews with the colonel just to hear his reflection and view about the Death of Nelson Mangela. Clear and short! I still want to remain optimistic that through very difficult but possible way of doing things, we will overcome, if not minimize the absurdity we found ourselves trapped.

3. Another article was by Tedla Asfaw titled, “ESAT and SBS Australia Radio Should Apologize for Mengistu Hailemariam’s Interview.” Tedla‘s piece of writing redundantly tells us about the political evil-doings of Mengistu Hailemariam as if the journalist of those mass  media who have held their interviews with colonel Mengistu Haliemariam are terribly ignorant about what had been done to Ethiopia and her innocent people during reign of the military junta. His (Tedla’s) uncontrolled rage made him not to see the very purpose of independent mass media: inform the public and play the role in the process of shaping public opinion, do investigative information and create public awareness but leaving the judgment and decision to the public. I wonder if Tedla and others with similar attitudes are telling those media that talking with (interviewing) those who have done wrong including members/supporters of the current ruling circle should be considered as failing the people’s cause. I hear and read that Tedla is an activist, and that is so great and I do not want to discredit his participation as an activist. But I strongly believe activism, in a real sense of the term is not compatible with the attitude and interest to hear only what we want to hear; or we simply hate what we do not agree with. It rather requires sincere willingness and tolerance to listen to others who hold and practice ideas we do not agree with.  What I am trying to say is that one has to show tolerance to what is intolerable endlessly. The point that I am trying to make is that condemning /blaming /blackmailing those independent media for the simple reason that they interviewed the former dictatorial president of Ethiopia is not constructive at all.

4. The last writer who tried hard to the extent of borrowing the saying of Julius Caesar of the Roman Empire (“Et tu, EAST?), is Yilma Bekele (12/20/13). I wonder why he work hard in search of that saying of Caesar. Anyway, that is not the focus of my point. I appreciate his genuine concern and legitimate anger about what the Saudi government has done to our compatriots. Although his expression about the death of Nelson Mandela sounds a bit exaggerated as he (Nelson Mandela) was aged and terminally ill for a considerable period of time, Yilma is right that it was not a good time. I also want say that Yilma’s bitter hate towards Mengistu Hailemariam is well – founded and understood and I am one of those who share his genuine feelings.

The problem of Yilma’s highly emotion-driven, if not highly inflammable rage begins with the very topic he chose, blaming ESAT for the simple reason of interviewing Mengistu Hailemriam.   And that kind of negative attitude has made him just throw any word or phrase that he believes it is good to “bombard” not only ESAT but anybody else he perceives as “sympathizer” of Mengistu hailemriam. I do not need to say something different from what I have already said above about the absurdity of waging irrational, if not nonsensical campaign against those independent mass media people who held the interview we are talking about. Yes, those independent media have to feel free to hold interview with good or bad guys so that the people could be well-informed about who thinks what and who does what. That is how the idea of freedom of expression comes in as far as this particular case we are discussing about is concerned. If this is “little knowledge is dangerous “to Yilma, I have to say the converse might be true. If Yilma is believing that he has a superiority of knowledge, I am afraid he is in a state of self-defeating because this kind of mentality is the sign of dead end. I wish I could have better words to say it. But that is the way it is! Another complaint Yilma tried to express is about “why the interviewer referred to Mengistu as the former President of Ethiopia.”  I do not know how it makes sense to declare that a journalist is either wrong or a sympathizer of a former president because he referred to him as a president. The point is is that being a dictator or something else does not change the fact that he was a president. Leaving aside this, a journalist whose interview is specifically about Nelson Mandela, not the political trouble of the interviewee is not expected to challenge him to extent of referring him dictator. I do not know why we want to see things as simple as the rhetoric we make.

It goes without saying that we all are the products of a society that has never had an opportunity to experience the culture of engaging in a free, tolerant and sustainably constructive argument /conversation and debate. I sincerely believe that we desperately need to strive hard if we want to break the continuity of this undesirable and disruptive way of thinking. The people of Ethiopia cannot afford to continue entreating the political culture of trying to solve the problems of this very dynamic time of ours with a very backward thinking and methods.  I want conclude with the following quotation I have borrowed form a book, “How to Argue and Win Every Time by author Gerry Spence (1995). He says, “We fail to make a successful argument because we affix certain locks to ourselves, locks that imprison our arguments, or … locks that bar us from adapting a winning stance.”