Saturday, June 1, 2013

አባይና የሲና በረሃ መተላለቅን የሚያስከትሉ አደገኛ የቀውስ ምንጭ

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ኢትዮጵያ ከትናንት ግንቦት 20/2005የአባይ ወንዝን የተፈጥሮ አቅጣጫ መቀየሯ የአለም አቀፍ መገናኛ ብዙሃንና ጉዳዩ የሚመለከታቸዉ ሀገራት መነጋገሪያ አጀንዳ ሆኗል፡፡ ዋናው ጉዳይ ምሽት ላይ አልጀዚራ በኢንሳይድ ስቶሪ /inside story/ ፕሮግራሙ ከኢትዮጵያ አቶ በረከት ስምዖንን፤ ከግብፅ ላማ ኤል ሃሎንና ከእንግሊዝ ሊዮ ፓስካልን በማስገባት ዉይይት ያደረገበት ነው፡፡ በዚህ ላይ በኋላ እመለስበታለሁ፡፡ አሁን ግን መገናኛ ብዙሃን፤ ግብፅና ሱዳን ምን አሉ የሚለዉን እንመልከት፡፡
በጉዳዩ ላይ ሰፊ ዘገባ የሰጠው አህራም የተባለዉ የግብፅ ድረ-ገፅ ነው፡፡ ቢቢሲ፤ አልጀዚራና ዋሽንግተን ፖስትም እንዲሁ፡፡ ሁሉም ታዋቂ መገናኛ ብዙሃን በተለያየ መጠን ለጉዳዩ ሽፋን ሰጥተውታልማለት ይቻላል፡፡ ከብዛታቸውና ከምንጫቸው ተመሳሳይነት አንፃር የያንዳንዱን ዘገባ አቅጣጫ ከማየት ይልቅ በዚህ ጉዳይ ላይ በስፋት አስተያየታቸውን ወደሰጡት ግለሰቦች አትኩሬአለሁ፡፡
ከላይ ከቁንጮው እንነሳ፡፡ ማለቴ ከግብፅ መንግስት አቋም፡፡ የሀገሪቱ ፕሬዝዳንት ፅ/ቤት ያወጣው መግለጫ አሁን በአባይ ወንዝ ላይ እየተካሄደ ያለው ግንባታ በውሃ መጠኑ ላይ መቀነስን ሊያስከትል የሚችል እንዳልሆነ የሚገልፅ ነው፡፡ በአባይ ላይ የሚገነባ ማንኛውም ፕሮጀክት ከመጀመሩ በፊት የወንዙን አቅጣጫ በማስቀየር ቦታውን ለግንባታ ምቹ ማድረግን ይጠይቃል ብሏል መግለጫው፡፡ ስለሆነም ከተለመደው ውጭ የሆነ አዲስ ነገር የለም የሚል ይመስላል፡፡
የግብፅ ካቢኔም በጉዳዩ ላይ ትናንት በዝግ ከመከረ በኋላ ባወጣት ቁራጭ መግለጫ የግድቡ ግንባታ ተጀመረ ማለት ግብፅ እውቅና ሰጥታዋለች ማለት አይደለም ብሏል፡፡ ያም ሆኖ የግብፅና ሱዳን የውሃ ድርሻን የማይቀንስ እስከሆነ ድረስ ማንኛዉንም የልማት ፕሮጀክት እደግፋለሁ ብሏል ካቢኔው፡፡ ካቢኔው ጨምሮ እንደገለፀው ለማንኛውም የሶስትዮሽ ኮሚቴውን የጥናት ሪፖርት ይፋ መሆን እንደሚጠብቅ ገልጧል፡፡ ሪፖርቱን ተከትሎ የሚይዛቸዉን አቋሞች /የሚወስዳቸዉን እርምጃዎች/ ከወዲሁ እንዳዘጋጀም ካቢኔው ጠቁሟል፡፡ ምን እንደሆኑ ፍንጭ ከመስጠት ቢቆጠብም፡፡ በዝች መግለጫ መጨረሻ የገባችዉ አረፍተ ነገር ደግሞ ግብፅና ሱዳን በአንድ ልብ ሆነን በጉዳዩ ላይ ተባብረን እየሰራን ነዉ” ትላለች፡፡ ሱዳን ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እያደላች ነው የሚለዉን ዘገባ ለማጣጣል የገባች አረፍተ ነገር ሳትሆን አትቀርም፡፡
ዘግይቶ እንደተረዳሁት ደግሞ ዛሬ ግንቦት 22/2005 ፕሬዝዳንት ሙርሲ ከተመረጡ ሚንስትሮች ጋር በዚሁ ጉዳይ ላይ ለመምከር ቀጠሮ ይዘዋል፡፡
የሃገሪቱ የሹራ ምክር ቤት ደግሞ በመጭው እሁድ በዚሁ ጉዳይ ላይ ለመምከር የአስቸኳይ ስብሰባ ቀን ቆርጧል፡፡ በስብሰባው የውጭ ጉዳይና የደህንነት ጉዳዮች ቋሚ ኮሚቴዎችን ጨምሮ 6 ኮሚቴዎች እንደሚሳተፉ ይጠበቃል፡፡
እኔ እንዳገኘሁት መረጃ ከሆነ የግብፅ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴርበሃገሪቱያሉትንየኢትዮጵያአምባሳደርሞሃሙድድሪርንአስጠርቶበጉዳዩላይቃላቸዉን
ተቀብሏቸዋል፡፡ምስኪን!ምንብለዉይሆን?የሚኒስቴሩየስራሃላፊዎችከበውበጥያቄ ሲያዋክቧቸው፡፡እንደመረጃውሰዎቹበኢትዮጵያዉሳኔመከፋታቸዉንለአምባሳደሩገልፀውላቸዋል፡፡
በሌላ በኩል የግብፅ ኮፕቲክ ቤተክርስቲያን ሊቀ ጳጳስ ቴዎድሮስ /ዳግማዊ/ በኢትዮጵያና በግብፅ መካከል ጣልቃ ገብተው ነገር እንዲያበርዱ በግብፅ ፕሬዝዳንት ተጠይቀዋል፡፡ አንድ የቤተክርስቲያኗ የህግ ባለሙያ እንዳሉት ፕሬዝዳንቱ ለጳጳሱ ደውለው የጋራ መፍትሄ በሚገኝበት መንገድ ላይ ከኢትዮጵያው አቻቸው ጋር እንዲመክሩ ጠይቀዋቸዋል፡፡ ሆኖም ይሄ ሃሰት ነው፤ ማንም ምንም አላለንም የሚል ማስተባበያ ከቤተክርስትያኗ ወጥቷል፡፡
ከአባይ ወንዝ የፍሰት አቅጣጫ ማስቀየር ጋር በተያያዘ ስማቸው በተደጋጋሚ የተነሳዉ የግብፅ ውሃና መስኖ ልማት ሚንስትሩ ሞሃመድ ባሃ ኢልዲን ናቸው፡፡ እሳቸዉ የንግግራቸው መጀመሪያ ያደረጉት ግብፅ በጥቅሟ ላይ የሚመጣን ማንኛውንም አይነት ፕሮጀክት እንደማትደግፍ መግለፅ ነው፡፡ ይህ አቋማቸው እንዳለ ሆኖ የወንዙ የፍሰት አቅጣጫ መቀየሩ ግን ለግብፅ ምንም ጉዳት እንደሌለው ለጋዜጠኞችአረጋግጠዋል፡፡ የተለመደ የግንባታ ሂደት መገለጫ ብቻ ነዉ” ብለውታል፡፡የአንድ ሃገር ሚኒስትር ከዚህ በላይ ሊሉት የሚችሉት በጎ ነገር ሊኖር አይችልም፡፡ የሃራቸውን ጥቅም የሚጎዳ ነገር ካለ እሱን መቃወም አለባቸው፤ ከሚጠቅማቸው ጋር ደግሞ መተባበር፡፡ እሳቸው ያሉትም ይህንኑ ነው፡፡ አሁን በግብፅ ላይ የተደቀነ አደጋ የለም፤ የጋራ ኮሚቴው ሪፖርት እስከሚወጣ እንጠብቃለን ነው ያሉት፡፡
እኝህ ሰው በቅርቡ በሃገሪቱ በተደረገው የስልጣን ሽግሽግ ባሉበት እንዲቆዩ ሲደረጉ እንኳን ደስ አለዎት በማለቴ የተረቡኝ እንደነበሩ አስታውሳለሁ፡፡ ሰውየው ምንም ያህል ትችት ቢሰነዘርባቸውም ስለኢትዮጵያ ያላቸውን በጎ እይታ በአደባባይ ከመግለፅ ያልተቆጠቡ ናቸው፡፡
ሌላዉ በዚህ ጉዳይ በንቃት የተሳተፉት በኢትዮጵያ የግብፅ አምባሳደር ሞሃመድ እድሪስ ናቸው፡፡ የህዳሴው ግድብ ግብፅ የግዷንም ቢሆን ልትቀበለው የሚገባ የማይቀር ክስተት /reality/ ነው ብለዋል፡፡ የግብፅ የድርድር ግብ መሆን ያለበትም ግድቡን ማስቆም ሳይሆን ሁለቱም ወገኖች ተጠቃሚ በሚሆኑበት መንገድ ላይ ሊሆን እንደሚገባም ጠቁመዋል፡፡ የአስዋን ግድብ ለኛ አንደሚያስፈልገን ሁሉ የህዳሴዉ ግድብም ለኢትዮጵያውያን ብሄራዊ ሃብታቸው ነዉ” ሲሉ ነው እዉነታውን ፊት ለፊት ለመጋፈጥ የቆረጡት፡፡ አምባሳደሩ አሁን ኢትዮጵያ ያደረገችው ነገር ዱብ እዳ ሳይሆን ካለፈው ህዳር ጀምሮ የምናውቀው ነው ብለዋል፡፡
“በሁሉም መድረኮቻችን ኢትዮጵያ በኛ ላይ ጉዳት እንደማታስከትል ደጋግማ አረጋግጣልናለች፤ እኛም ይህንኑ አምነን ተቀብለናል” ያሉት አምባሳደሩ ግብፅ ሶስቱም ወገኖች ተጠቃሚ የሚሆኑበትን አሰራር እየፈለገች መሆኗን ተናግረዋል፡፡እኔ የነዚህን ባለስልጣናት ንግግር በአወንታዊ መልኩ ነው ያየሁት፡፡ ምክንያቱም ቢያንስ ኢትዮጵያ እነሱን የመጉዳት ሃሳብ እንደሌላት መረዳታቸዉን ገልፀውልናል፡፡ የጋራ ተጠቃሚነት መርህ ቀስ በቀስ ቅቡል እየሆነ መምጣቱን አመላካች አስተያየት ነው፡፡
ሆኖም የሀገሪቱና የአለምአቀፍ መገናኛ ብዙሃን ዘገባ አሉታዊ ነው፡፡ መገናኛ ብዙሃኑ ከግድቡ ጋር ያሉ አወንታዊ ጎኖችን ዘወር ብለዉ እንኳን ሳያዩ ሊያስከትል ይችላል ብለዉ ባሰቡት ተፅዕኖ ላይ ብቻ ነዉ ያተኮሩት፡፡
ባለስልጣኖቹ ከተናገሩት ውስጥ ሲመርጡ እንኳን ይህንኑ ፍላጎታቸውን የሚያሟላላቸዉን ንግግር ብቻ እንጅ በመቻቻልና በጋራ ተጠቃሚነት ላይ ያተኮሩትን አገላለፆች በተደጋጋሚ ዘለዋቸዋል፡፡ ለምሳሌ ያክል ሞሃመድ ባሃ ኢልዲን ግብፅ በጥቅሟ ላይ የሚመጣን ማንኛውንም አይነት ፕሮጀክት እንደማትደግፍ መግለፃቸውን ሲያራግቡ በግብፅ ላይ የተደቀነ አደጋ የለም ማለታቸውን ግን ብዙዎቹ አድበስብሰውት አልፈዋል፡፡ምሁራኖቻቸውም እንዲሁ ናቸው፡፡ አንድ ምሁር “ኢትዮጵያ በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሙርሲ ጉብኝት ማግስት የናይል ወንዝን የፍሰት አቅጣጫ ማስቀየሯ የግብፅና ህዝብና መንግስት ለማታለል የምትከተለውን ስልት የሚያሳይ ነው” ብሏል፡፡ የግብፅ ባለስልጣናት የህዝባቸውን ጥቅም አሳልፈው ሰጥተዋል ሲልም ወቅሷል፡፡ ለዚህም የግብፅ ህዝብ የጃቸውን ሊሰጣቸው ይገባል ነው ያለው፡፡
ሌላው የሚጠበቅ ግን ቢሆንም መታወቅ ያለበት የግብፅ ተቃዋሚ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች አቋም ነዉ፡፡ ፓርቲዎቹ ይህንን ጉዳይ ለፖለቲካ ጥቅም ማግኛ ሲጠቀሙበት ተስተውለዋል፡፡ እነሱ እንደ ጠንካራና ለግብፅ ህዝብ የቆሙ፤ ሙስሊም ብራዘርሁድ የሚመራው መንግስት ደግሞ እንደ ልፍስፍስና የህዝቡን ጥቅም አሳልፎ የሰጠ አድርገው አሳይተዋል፡፡ የናሽናል ሳልቬሽን ፍሮንቱ ኤል ባራዲ በቅርብ ሰዓት በግል ቲዊታቸው የሲና በረሃና ኢትዮጵያ መተላለቅን የሚያስከትሉ አደገኛ የቀውስ ምንጭ እንደሆኑ ተንብየዋል፡፡ይችን ነገር ከኛ ሃገር ተቃዋሚዎች የኮረጇት ሳትሆን አትቀርም፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ የኛዎቹ እስካሁን ድምፃቸዉ አልተሰማም፡፡ የአባይ መንገዱን መቀየር አልሞቃቸውም፤ አልበረዳቸውም፡፡
በአንፃሩ የቀድሞው የአረብ ሊግ ዋና ፀሃፊና የዚሁ የናሽናል ሳልቬሽን ፍሮንት ሌላው አመራር የሆኑት አሚር ሙሳ የታችኛው ተፋሰስ ሃገራት በተለይም ግብፅ በአባይ ወንዝ ላይ በሚካሄድ ፕሮጀክት የተነሳ መጎዳት እንደሌለባቸውና በዚህ ጉዳይ የአፍሪካ ቀንድ ውጥረት ውስጥ መግባት እንደሌለበት አሳስበዋል፡፡ ለዚህም በመፍትሄነት ያቀረቡት ኢትዮጵያ የግብፅን ፍላጎት፤ ግብፅም የኢትዮጵያን ፍላጎት ከግንዛቤ ውስጥ ማስገባት እንዳለባቸው ነው፡፡ ግብፅ በአስቸኳይ ወደ ድርድር መግባት እንዳለባት ጠይቀዋል፡፡
በሰሞኑ የመገናኛ ብዙሃን ዘገባዎች ውስጥ ግብፅ ምን አይነት እርምጃ መውሰድ እንዳለባት የሚጠቁሙ አስተያየቶችም ተስተናግደዋል፡፡ ወታደራዊ እርምጃና የሲዊዝ ቦይን መዝጋት በዚህ ስር የታዩ ናቸው፡፡ሼክ ሃሚድ የተባሉ የአንድ ሃይማኖታዊ ቡድን መሪ እንዳሉት ሁኔታው ሲገመገም አሁን ኢትዮጵያ በግብፅ ላይ ጦርነት አውጃለች እንደማለት ነዉ፡፡ ስለሆነም እኛም ያለንን አቅም ሁሉ ተጠቅመን መብታችንን እናስከብራለን ብለዋል፡፡ ያም ሆኖ ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ጥረቱ ቅድሚያ ሊሰጠዉ ይገባል ብለዋል፡፡ ይህ እንግዲህ በግልፅ ሲቀመጥ ጦርነት ተከፍቶብናልና ለጦርነት እንነሳ ማለት ነው፡፡ሆኖም ይህ ሀሳብ በአንድ የቀድሞ ጦር አዛዥ ተቃውሞ ገጥሞታል፡፡ ጀነራል ሞሃመድ አሊ ቢላል የህዳሴዉን ግድብ በአውሮፕላን ለመምታት መሞከር ከብዙ የአለም ሃገሮች ጋር ያጣላል ነው ያሉት፡፡ ከነዚህም ውስጥ እስራዔልንና ቻይናን አንስተዋል፡፡ ሁሉ ካልተሳካ ግብፅ ያላት አማራጭ ለአለም አቀፍ ፍርድ ቤት፤ ለፀጥታው ምክር ቤት ወይም ለአለም አቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድ ቤት ክስ ማቅረብ ነው ብለዋል፡፡ ሌላ ወታደራዊ ባለስልጣንም ይህ ሃሳብ የግድቡ ግንባታ በተበሰረበት የሆስኒ ሙባረክ ዘመን ተነስቶ እንደነበር ለጋዜጦች ተናግረዋል፡፡ ያኔ የጦርነት አማራጭ በጥብቅ እንደተወገዘ አስረድተዋል፡፡በሌላ በኩል ግብፅ ኢትዮጵያን በግንባታው ዙሪያ የሚያግዙ ሀገራት መርከቦች በስዊዝ ቦይ እንዳይጠቀሙ ብትከለክል ውጤት ልታገኝ ትችላለች ሲል አንድ የግብፅ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ ሃሳቡን አካፍሏል፡፡
ይህ በንዲህ እንዳለ የሱዳኑ የውሃ ሃብትና ኤሌክትሪክ ሚኒስትር ሞሃመድ ሃሰን በጉዳይ ላይ ለመምከር ወደ ካይሮ ሄደዋል፡፡ እዛ እንደደረሱም ከግብፁ አቻቸው ጋር ተመካክረዋል፡፡ ምን እንደዶለቱ ግን እስካሁን ወሬ አላገኘሁም፡፡ ወደ ሱዳን ከገባሁ አይቀር በዚሁ የሱዳን ሁኔታ እንመልከት፡፡

Egyptian Protestors Attack Ethiopian Embassy in Cairo

Dozens of Egyptians gathered outside the Ethiopian embassy in Cairo, in protest at the start of the construction of the Renaissance Dam, demanding the expulsion of the Ethiopian ambassador from Egypt.

The demonstrators chanted slogans calling for the expulsion of the Ethiopian ambassador to their country, in protest at the start of the Ethiopian government to build a dam Renaissance, and begun converting the course of the Blue Nile, also chanted slogans demanding the drop “rule wizard” in reference to the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, which represents the ruling regime.
Mohammed Drirr, Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt (Photo Awramba Times)

The protestors chanted, “We are the source of the Nile Basin.” “After Ethiopia’s surprising decision, bilateral relations have now been put to the test,” “Any agreement between President Mohamed Morsi’s government and its Ethiopian counterpart will not be recognized, since Morsi has lost all legitimacy before the Egyptian people.”
According to sources, Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt, Mohammed Drirr, was not in the Embassy compound during the protest. The embassy staff prevented the protesters from burning the Ethiopian flag after one demonstrator attempted to down the flag.
In a sudden press conference late afternoon tday, Ethiopian officials say the diversion of Abay to make way for construction of the dam in the river bed doesn’t in any way reduce the amount of water flowing to Egypt. Chief Executive Officer of Ethiopian electric power agency, Mihret Debebe explained those who claim the diversion has negative effect on the water flow of the river into downstream countries don’t have any scientific bases to prove their claim.
(Sources: Al jazeera, Ahram online and walta)

     Abay dam, Egypt against Ethiopia, Egypt-Ethiopia relationship, Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt, Ethiopian News, Mohammed Drirr, Protest in Egypt, The grand Renaissance dam, War on Nile


May 30, 2013

Dear,

On behalf of Amnesty International Canada and the Solidarity Committee for Ethiopian Political Prisoners (SOCEPP Canada) we would like to invite you to attend a discussion entitled "
Ethiopia Futures". The event takes place on June 4, 2013, starting at 1:00 p.m. on Parliament Hill, room 120, 1 Wellington Street, just across the main buildings of Parliament (in Ottawa).

The discussion deals with issues such as Human Rights, Democratization, Regional Security, National Dialogue and Canadian/Ethiopian Relations. A distinguished team of scholars and human rights experts, including Professor Terrence Lyons of George Mason University, Claire Beeston of Amnesty International’s International Secretariat and Dr. Busha Taa of the University of Toronto are among the confirmed speakers. (A detailed agenda of the discussion is at the end of this letter).

We are confident the discussion will offer parliamentarians, government officials, academics and civil society activists an opportunity to deepen their understanding of the many serious challenges Ethiopia faces and formulate recommendations for action, particularly with respect to Canada’s engagement with the country. We look forward to seeing you at the event.


Sincerely,
Alex Neve                                                                                           
                                                                                                                Solomon Workneh                 AI Canada General Secretary                                                                 SOCEPP Canada
                                                                                                              www.Humanrightsethiopia.com 

           
 Agenda: "Ethiopia Futures"

Date & Time:

June 4, 2013 from 1:00 to 5:45 p.m.

Venue:

Parliament Hill, Ottawa, Canada (Room 120, 1 Wellington Street)

Co-chaired by Amnesty International Canada and SOCEPP-Canada

 
Part I
(1:00 p.m. - 2:30 p.m.)

Introductions and opening
(1:00 – 1:15 p.m.)

Alex Neve
, Secretary General Amnesty International Canada, and

Aklilu Wendaferew
, Chair, Solidarity Committee for Ethiopian Political Prisoners- Canada (SOCEPP-CAN)

Presentation


1)
Human Rights in Ethiopia: Trends and opportunities (1:15 – 1:35 p.m.)

Claire Beeston
, Amnesty International Secretariat Representative

2)
Democracy and Regional Security in the Horn: Are they Mutually Exclusive? (1:40 – 2:00 p.m.)

Dr. Busha Taa
, University of Toronto

Discussion:
Moderator Alex Neve (2:00 – 2:30 p.m.)

Break
(2:30 – 2:45 p.m.)

Part II
(2:45 - 4:45 p.m.)

3)
Canada-Ethiopia Relations (2:45 – 3:05 p.m.)

Yannick Lamonde
, Deputy Director, East & Southern Africa Division, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade

4)
Development and Democracy in Ethiopia (3:05 – 3:25 p.m.)

Felix Horne
, Human Rights Watch

5)
Commentary on Canada-Ethiopia Relations (3:25 – 3:45 p.m.)

Hon. Bob Rae
and Hon. Paul Dewar

6)
National Dialogue and its Alternatives in Ethiopia (3:45 – 4:15 p.m.)

Terrence Lyons
, Associate Professor of Conflict Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia

Discussion
: Moderator Aklilu Wendaferew (4:15 – 4:45 p.m.)

Summary and closing
(4:45 to 5:45 p.m.)

Alex Neve and Aklilu Wendaferew


 

Ethiopia: National Affirmation and Renewal through Resistance

By Tesfaye Demmelash (Ph.D)
Newly emerging fronts and movements, namely, the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) and the Tigray People’s Democratic Movement (TPDM) as well as longer established parties and coalitions wage struggle against the Woyane regime in various ethnocentric and partisan ways. The real challenge for opposition forces in the country, however, is to affirm a common Ethiopian nationality in a broader, more integrated and effective resistance against the regime. Meeting this challenge is a strategic necessity as well as a matter of principle in the resistance. And the nation’s dissident literati and political groups need to confront it squarely.But these are trying times for the renewal of Ethiopian national solidarity. We seek unity in opposition to TPLF dictatorship in a political and cultural environment whose dominant feature is ethnic, sectarian, and religious division, the biggest divider being the Woyane regime itself. In striving for national wholeness in the struggle, we run up against a tide of partisan and tribal fractionation. Hindrances to Ethiopian unity permeate the nation’s entire body politic, including opposition groups and coalitions at home and in the Diaspora as well as the TPLF-EPRDF state itself.
In the face of this daunting reality, the Ethiopian intelligentsia is oddly reserved. Hardly bold and assertive in opposition to the forces of division and dictatorship, we have in general been politically recessive and quiet. Indeed, we are immobilized by acquiescence and submission born largely of what I would call progressive correctness and related national self-doubt, both legacies of our troubled revolutionary experience going back to the Student Movement.
Consequently, it is worthwhile to consider problems of national affirmation in Ethiopia today as they relate to the intelligentsia and to opposition groups. The issues involved here are vast and complex and I can only touch on some of them here. As I see it, we can hardly begin to develop our struggle against Woyane domination unless we overcome the staggering deficit of national solidarity we face today as Ethiopians. Before we can effectively refuse to be divided and dominated by the Woyanes, before we can say no to their colonially inspired divide-and-rule, we should affirm, say yes to, our common Ethiopian nationality.
National Affirmation and the Intelligentsia
The general disengagement from Ethiopian national affairs, intellectual as well as political, that has afflicted the nation’s educated strata in the post-revolutionary period is difficult to explain. The apathy of the revolutionary generation in particular is all the more baffling since that generation played a major part, either by design or unwittingly, in the massive national dislocation and loss we suffered in the course of the Revolution and in its wake. I had hoped that we will atone for the political sins we committed against our own country, for our disastrous mistakes and excesses, by reflecting candidly and critically on what we have done, asking questions like: Where did we go wrong? What can we do today to help our battered and bruised country heal and renew itself? I still believe such an undertaking would help us embark on a new course of national affirmation and healing.
In trying to explain why members of the revolutionary generation have generally not stepped out to engage publicly in soul-searching retrospection, Dr. Assefa Negash notes that “the huge sacrifice and pain of exile and destabilization that followed in [the Revolution’s]…wake, coupled with the stressful life in the Diasporic space…have prevented the emergence of critical thinkers.” This is a point well taken. Still, couldn’t experiences of dislocation, loss, and exile also motivate Ethiopian intellectuals, writers, artists, and spiritual figures to produce questioning, reflective, and creative works? Hasn’t national suffering in fact been a spur to literary, philosophical, and political expression elsewhere? What happened in our case? The Ethiopian people deserve answers.
In further explaining the inability or disinclination of our literati to vigorously affirm themselves nationally, Dr. Assefa, along with Professor Messay Kebede, observes the radicalization and cultural uprooting that followed the advent of Western education in Ethiopia beginning in the early 1900s. There is indeed a connection between the two developments, but the link is not so simple or necessarily causal. Whatever limited influence emergent Ethiopian intelligentsia experienced through Western or colonial education need not have resulted in the kind of nationally rootless and mindless left-wing extremism that came to dominate the learning and learned classes in the country through the Student Movement in the 1960s and ‘70s.
I say this from a comparative perspective, looking at the experiences of intellectual and political elites in other historic non-Western countries. Japan and China readily come to mind. The literati in these countries have also been exposed to the formative influences of Western education and ideas, including Marxism-Leninism in the case of China. But they accepted the influences without undergoing the kind of wholesale, nihilistic cultural and national self-denial or self-negation of Ethiopian revolutionaries.
So we can say that it was not Western modernity or education as such that explains the relative incapacity of Ethiopian “progressive”intelligentsia for national affirmation, even under revolutionary conditions. The explanation lies instead in the deeply flawed, historically artless, abstract form in which our educated strata have tried to receive, reconstitute, and enact Western ideas, including Marxism. Rather than blaming the intervention of foreign influences for our national troubles in the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary eras, I would argue that Ethiopian intellectual and political elites failed the nation in the way they accepted and embraced the influences.
Now, putting these issues aside, let us consider the matter of national affirmation as it relates to the task of forward-looking, patriotic intellectuals in the resistance against Woyane tyranny today. What is the underlying challenge here?
In the broad sense, we affirm our common nationality in various overlapping ways, ranging from the historical through the cultural and intellectual, to the political and the psychological. National affirmation involves a level of consciousness that is felt and experienced. Its significance lies not in conceptual thought, but in the immediacy of sentiments and the clarity of symbols, images and cultural forms and values. It speaks to us powerfully without using so many words.
At play here are historical events, facts, myths and narratives, in short, collective memory handed down from generation to generation. These elements constitute themselves and rise up as active national spirit, especially when attacked and oppressed by a hostile foreign or internal power. The Woyanes now sit precariously atop simmering Ethiopian national consciousness which they can’t entirely and indefinitely suppress. In fact, they are pushing it to the boiling point. The nationality we experience and affirm today in this historical sense is not any less meaningful than, or necessarily in conflict with, the nationalism we embrace as a set of modern political ideas, like democracy and self-determination.
However, the fundamental challenge concerned Ethiopian intelligentsia face today in helping patriotic and progressive forces overcome deficits of national unity in the resistance against Woyane dictatorship is the polarization of these distinct forms of national affirmation or orientation. Since the days of the Student Movement, nationalism as a political ideal, as a conception of modern (more often, pseudo-modern) ideas has tended to operate outside and against our national spirit, our deeply felt and experienced sense of ourselves as Ethiopians. Contemporary ideology has been out of gear with historic tradition. Woyane tribal domination of Ethiopian affairs today starkly embodies this polarization and conflict of nationalisms in the country.
Recognizing the underlying contradiction is a necessary step in resolving it and affirming Ethiopian solidarity anew in the struggle against TPLF dictatorship. Concerned Ethiopian intellectuals can help opposition forces develop ideas, plans, and strategies for reaching or preparing broad, informed, trans-ethnic constituencies across the traditional-modern national divide. In so doing, the intelligentsia also generally assists in advancing the resistance beyond the limits of our ordinary experience of opposition.
That experience is dominated by the immediately political and the psychological. We