Saturday, May 11, 2013

OCCUPY WASHINGTON DC!

 


RALLY TO SUPPORT US’s STANCE ON LACK OF JUSTICE IN ETHIOPIA AND DEMAND THE US GOVERNMENT TO TAKE PRACTICAL ACTIONS BEYOND PRESS RELEASES

Stop Ethnic Cleansing!!!

Free All Journalists, Muslim Religious Leaders, and Prisoners of Conscience!!!

Join us in a March for Justice and Human Rights in Ethiopia

WHERE: Department of State
2201 C St NW, Washington, DC. 20037
WHEN: Monday May 20, 2013
TIME: 9.00 AM –1.00 PM
RALLY: From Department of state to White House
For more information Email: dcjointtaskforce@gmail.com or call (202) 556-3078
Marching demonstration from State Department to the White House – Monday May 20th 9AM – Ahead of Sec. Kerry’s planned visit to Ethiopia for 50th celebration of AU

Ethiopian journalists hope council ease restrictions

       

Addis Ababa — Several Ethiopian publications are coming together to set up a ‘press council’ with the hope of easing restrictions on the media in Ethiopia.
The journalists suggested the idea of the council at a May 3 meeting held at the behest of the Ministry of Information to discuss media reforms in the country.
“The meeting was the first time we have had such a direct and open dialogue with the government over press issues,” Getachew Worku, editor of the independent publication Ethio Mihidar, told IPS. “We have to welcome this development as a positive step to ease press restrictions.”
The press council will be formed by editors of government and independent publications. The purpose of the council is to hold discussions about press restrictions and foster direct and frequent dialogue with the government over such issues.
Worku said there were still many obstacles for the press to operate freely in Ethiopia. He said, for example, that he could not use government printing houses and was forced to use private companies to print his newspaper.
“This really increases our costs and makes it very difficult for us to operate,” Worku said. “This is unfair considering the government publications can operate at much lower costs and avoid going bankrupt.”
Worku also said a major problem in Ethiopia was the arbitrary distribution of publication licences. “Although it is easy to write about fashion and entertainment, it is very difficult to write about politics,” he told IPS. “If you want to write about politics, it is much harder to obtain a license and there is far more pressure from the authorities.”
Since he launched his publication, Worku said, the authorities have frequently visited his office demanding information regarding his accounts, and he hopes that the meeting and the new council will be able to reduce some of these obstacles.
“This is one of the most mature and useful consultations we have had with the media,” Shimeles Kemal from the Ministry of Information told IPS. “The media brought up many important criticisms of themselves, and also of the government, which we will consider with due weight and respond to in a serious manner as we continue to engage with the media.”
Despite the government’s promises, some journalists are less hopeful it will bring about any change. Independent journalist Anania Sorri told IPS he believed that the government agreed to the meeting and council merely to distract the media from aspirations for real change.
“It is hard to believe the government is genuine about its desire for press freedom,” Sorri said. “Just look at the current situation journalists are facing.”
Sorri’s close friend Reeyot Alemu, winner of this year’s World Press Freedom Prize, is in prison. She was initially sentenced to 14 years after being found guilty of planning terrorist attacks, laundering money and working with terrorist organisations.
On appeal, two charges were dropped and her sentence was reduced to five years.
Sorri told IPS that Alemu has health complications, including a breast tumour, gastritis, and sinusitis. And recently, prison officials threatened her with solitary confinement if she leaked information about prison conditions to visitors.
International organisations have long criticised the Ethiopian government for its treatment of the independent media. The Committee to Protect Journalists reports that seven journalists are currently in detention in Ethiopia, and that more reporters have fled Ethiopia than any other country, putting the total at 79 between August 2001 and May 2011.
In response to critics, the government has accused many of the journalists it imprisons of crossing a line between journalism and illegal activities. State officials have accused critics of over-simplifying things and failing to understand the real situation on the ground.
One of the most controversial cases is that of prominent blogger and government critic Eskinder Nega. Just last week his appeal was rejected and his 18-year sentence was upheld.
Nega was arrested in September 2011 and charged with plotting an Arab Spring revolution through his writings and a speech he gave at a conference organised by opposition groups. Just before his arrest he had published a piece calling for the government to respect freedom of assembly and to end torture in prisons.
“Because there is no judicial independence, no justice can be found in the courts in politically motivated prosecutions, as shown by the recent Supreme Court decision to uphold an 18-year sentence for Eskinder Nega,” Leslie Lefkow, Ethiopia expert at Human Rights Watch, told IPS.
“The impact of this multi-pronged campaign is that access to news and information remains very restricted for all Ethiopians, and the level of self-censorship and fear of government surveillance is extraordinarily high.”
However, in the case of Nega, one local analyst said he deserved to be punished as he had incited violence and created ethnic tensions in the past. Daniel Berhane, a prominent Ethiopian blogger, told IPS that journalists like Nega were aligned with political parties.
He stated that, “the three newspapers that Eskinder Nega published until 2005 – Askual, Menelik and Satenaw – were characterised by yellow journalism and serious ethical flaws.”
Local journalists say that before widespread anti-government protests following the 2005 national elections, the media climate was free. After the protests, though, the government clamped down on independent media publications as well as civil society groups and any opposition.
Then the government introduced anti-terrorism laws, which have been used to charge journalists who have had any contact with opposition groups or journalists in exile, who according to the government have ties with terrorist outfits.
Several Muslim journalists have also been charged under the anti-terrorism law, after reporting on Muslim protests early this year. Also, newspapers aligned with opposition groups have repeatedly been shut down as the government pressures publishing houses not to print their papers, opposition politicians told IPS.
After the recent meeting with the government about the future press council, attendees told IPS that the government officials said they were tired of arresting media representatives – giving cause for hope that the situation might soon change.
But while journalists try to form the press council and hope the meeting will ease many of the restrictions, it appears the situation remains far from ideal, as journalists remain behind bars and independent reporters face myriad difficulties.
“Press freedom is a luxury for us; the government says we are a developmental democracy state but actually we are just a developmental state,” Sorri told IPS.
“They want the development, but just the material part. They want to put food in our mouths, but they don’t want to hear anything come out of our mouths.”

Open Letter to Dr. Teodros Adhanom

 

Ethiopian National Transitional Council
In your interview yesterday with a radio station that broadcasts around the Washington Metro area (click here to listen), you stated that the Ethiopian National Transitional Council (ENTC)’s questioning of the legality of the TPLF/EPRDF regime’s bond sale in several countries around the world for the so called “Hedase” Dam on the Blue Nile (Abay) river was anti-development and against the national interest of Ethiopian.Ethiopian National Transitional Council
ENTC does not expect anything less from a dictatorial regime that throws its critics into jail accusing them of terrorism. However the Council was bemused and disconcerted by the naked attempt from the regime to ship abroad the illegal and deceitful acts that it practices in Ethiopia.
Dr. Adhanom: even though it is nothing new for you and your partners to label all those who question TPLF/EPRDF as Anti-development, Anti-Ethiopia, terrorist, etc, we would like you to be aware that in countries where the rule of law is supreme, anyone can raise any legal and valid question. In fact, those who raise any legal questions have the full force of justice behind them and are not considered the guilty party.
With this in mind, if you are confident of yourself and your organization’s activities, what is there to fear? In fact, justice, that you have deprived from our fellow Ethiopians, will set you free!
In your schizophrenic interview, on one hand you present TPLF/EPRDF as an angel that would accept criticism of its mistakes. On the other hand, you paint anyone that questions TPLF/EPRDF as the enemy of Ethiopia. Please listen to your own interview and analyze your own contradictions.
Those that follow Ethiopian politics know that TPLF/EPRDF often uses political gimmicks and propaganda to paint those that raise the question of legality and transparency with a seemingly nationalistic brush of Anti-Ethiopianism. However in this case, you have inadvertently acknowledged the fundamental issues that ENTC has raised. The basic questions that the National Council has raised are:
1. Does the TPLF/EPRDF Embassy in the United States have the legal license that any commodity broker gets from the Securities and Exchanges Commission (SEC) to operate legally?
2. If the Embassy has the license, has it ensured the SEC that American Citizens will not be swindled out of their investments and that the Embassy will not engage in a scam to defraud the public?
3. What has happened to the money that was obtained from the bond sale?
We are following up with the authorities that deal with these matters, and we will let the public know of the results.
In addition to the above questions, our conclusion as Ethiopians who have lived through 22 years of exploitation of Ethiopian resources through several schemes concocted by TPLF/EPRDF is that, the Bond Sale is déjà vu all over again. Therefore, we called on our fellow Ethiopians to boycott the Bond Sale and demonstrate against its promoters.
Ethiopians in several countries have carried slogans such as “Respect for Freedom and Rights prior to Bond Sales”, “Cease unjust expulsion of People from their lands and ethnic cleansing” and “Freedom for Prisoners of Conscience”. These protestors are not against the development of Ethiopia and its national interests. These Ethiopians have no confidence in TPLF/EPRDF, as they see the regime to be an ethno-centric, corrupt and unlawful. If people in Ethiopia were given back for a few hours of their God given right of freedom of expression, they would say the same things.
Unfortunately, the “choices” they have are to “donate” their monthly salary to the Dam Bond.
To all our fellow Ethiopians:
ENTC is a popular political institution that strongly believes in the fact that this decaying regime needs to be removed and replaced by an All-inclusive Transitional Government. The Council believes that Ethiopians need to prepare themselves for transition through an all-inclusive national dialogue and consultative discussion. All democratic forces struggling for change, individuals and patriotic Ethiopians, and all others that have a stake in our country Ethiopia, need to get together and discuss about a democratic transition process. It is only then that Ethiopians would rise up and take to the streets to demand their rights that have been taken away from them for decades.
Through the motto, “United Struggle for shared victory”, ENTC has called for an All-inclusive National Dialogue and Consultative Discussion on July 2nd to July 5th in the Washington DC metro area. At this conference, all democratic forces based in Ethiopia and abroad, religious institutions, women and youth organizations, noted individuals and scholars, mass media and international institutions have been invited. In addition, we would like to state that those organizations, groups and individual Ethiopians that love their country but have not received invitations, can register here.
Long Live our country Ethiopia!
Ethiopian National Transitional Council Leadership

Breaking Political Barriers and Political Taboos

By Tecola W. Hagos
May 9, 2013

I. Introduction
I watched on ETV with great fascination the recent presentations by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to the Ethiopian House of Representatives, especially the question and answer session wherein a representative asked the Prime Minister to expound on the hot issue of ethnic cleansing against the Amhara in the Benshangul Killil. I also read snippets of the report on that same subject by the lucid Redwan Hussien of the EPRDF‘s Secretariat. What both leaders stated without any equivocation was that removing Ethiopian “peoples” from an area based on their ethnic identity is an act by anti-people groups; the phrase they used was ?? ???, and they emphasized the fact that every Ethiopian has a Constitutional right to work freely anywhere in Ethiopia. Both political leaders are from SEPDM (Southern Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Movement) the Former is its Chairman and the latter Member of its Central Committee.* In referring to the citizens of Ethiopia, I reject the pseudo Leninist-Stalinist designation “peoples” that the EPRDF and its constitutive members use as their political mantra. The term “peoples” is passé and anachronistic.What Hailemariam stated was a direct repudiation of Meles Zenawi’s core policy and work of twenty years of ethnic cleansing and Killilization (bantustanization) of Ethiopia. Such question to come from the floor let alone getting unequivocal and clear response were unthinkable a few months back. This is one clear instance that the Ethiopian Government after the death of Meles Zenawi is facing clear challenges on its past activities and undergoing profound changes. In fact, during the 9th Conference of the EPRDF held in Bahredar, there was a clear indication of malcontent (despite the exaggerated accolade and cult-worship of Meles Zenawi) of the policies and governmental actions of the EPRDF lead Ethiopian Government. One very honest and disconcerting address that I remember clearly because of its directness and clarity in delivery was made by ANDM’s Representative Ambassador Hilawi where in short of directly naming Meles Zenawi as a failed leader, nevertheless, insisted that time for cover-up and docility is over and that they must muster some courage in facing up to the many serious errors of policy and operation by the leaders of the EPRDF of the last twenty years.
The main reason for that type of open challenge within the hitherto regimented party organizational leadership is the fact that the overwhelming presence of Meles Zenawi is no longer the millstone that crushed anyone and everyone within the TPLF, or the EPRDF, or in the opposition. I argued repeatedly that the Ethiopian opposition leaders both in the Diaspora and back at home within Ethiopia must look at the profoundly changed circumstance [rebus sic stantibus] with a fresh mind and not just as a simple empirical extension of the Meles era. The present post–Meles era has been in dialectical fermentation for almost a year now that has progressed or developed in to qualitatively different political brew. We have now a chance to be involved in real Politick. II. The New Era with Hailemariam DesalegnThe current political situation in Ethiopia offers us with very many possibilities. For a game to be played well, the ground rules for the game must be clearly understood. Real Politick requires adroitness without being opportunistic, subtlety rather than vulgarity, fact-based knowledge rather than rumor or wild-inferences et cetera. I read very many essays by passionate defenders of Ethiopian unity. And the essays of indefatigable authors promoting the respect and safe-guard of human rights in Ethiopia are no less. In addition, the views of highly learned economists insisting on economic development with a human face are always inspiring. These are all worthy causes, but writing and speaking of such subjects is also a route mined with explosive inner conflicting issues. For example, in defending and promoting some community interest leads to abrogating or crushing individual rights. This is where “subtlety” of approach matters.

How we Behave Online

 


by Teklu Abate
Thanks to advances in information and communication technologies, people overcome spatio-temporal limitations. We communicate in real time regardless of where we live. Traditionally, communications and collaborations were made between people and organizations that somehow know each other well. These times see communications of all sorts being made between entities that do not know each other in person.The Ethiopian Diaspora conversing using websites, broadcast media, Paltalk.
In fact, we use technologies to conquer new grounds- to create, expand and sustain our international online presence. Technologies are also places where to make retreats to- people who are denied of their natural rights (such as freedom of expression and association) consider technologies as powerful remedies. Thanks to Internet-based social media, the oppressed are claiming their lost identities. Although 1) some dictatorial regimes aspire to curtain the move, and 2) the technologic infrastructure in several places is still inadequate, people worldwide are building online/virtual identities and presences.
The Ethiopian Diaspora enjoy conversing using websites, broadcast media, Paltalk, Facebook, and blogs. Issues discussed touch nearly all the contours of life in Ethiopia, from politics to economics, society to humanity, religion to culture. However, a limited number of persons are content developers (writers) whereas the majority are users or consumers (readers). What seems to be interesting is that users tend to have a significantly different take of the issues considered by papers.
A closer look at how people react to published papers including those found in blogs is extremely important for several reasons. One, it would help us to discern to what extent readers rightly understand the intentions’ of writers. Two, the analysis would indicate the degree to which published works are relevant to the general community. Three, based on this, editors/writers could identify and suggest topics for further discussion. Four, based on comment analysis, writers could improve their style of writing for maximum impact. Five, the analysis could inform us to narrow down the gap between writers and readers in the end.
In this paper, I categorize readers based on the comments they leave to papers they read. To do the analysis, I reviewed threads and threads of comments provided about papers published in major websites. An unscientific qualitative content analysis of comments resulted in the identification of eight major categories of people. It is found that we have people who tend to hold extremely opposing viewpoints in relation to the issues discussed in the papers. More interestingly, there are people who tend to bring extremist groups to a middle ground. The categories are succinctly described below.
The sympathetic
These people generally tend to identify with authors and support their arguments and conclusions. They express their sympathy in various ways. They generously thank writers for their contributions and request them to keep writing. They also forward papers to their networks and they leave behind tens and even hundreds of “Likes”. Even more interestingly, these people ask writers to turn their ideas into workable strategies. A typical comment of this type is: “This is a very timely and constructive idea; I appreciate if you are interested to form an interest group based on your idea”.
The assassin
The assassin are the exact opposite of the sympathetic. Their viewpoints are in sharp contrast to that of the writers’. They throw away nasty terms (insults and curses) to the writers. Worse is their attempt to go after writers as persons. They try to assassin the identities, fames, and dignities of writers by resorting to the latters’ perceived or actual weaknesses, shortcomings, and/or limitations in other areas. Examples of comments of this category include: “This person is a remnant of the fascist Derg”, “This writer must be a cadre/from Tigray,” ”This guy was fired from his job because of his incompetence and work ethic”. Generally, the assassin usually tries to assassin the writer as a person and not the idea conveyed in the paper.
The delusional
Delusional people are those who consciously or otherwise dissociate themselves from reality, evidence, truth, and logic. They deny that the Ethiopian Diaspora is a huge potential for real social change. They also deny the imprisonment and persecution of those who dare to talk their minds. They deny that the regime in Ethiopia is dictatorial. Others of this category deny that the government there did and could do something good to the country. To these people, the roads, schools, universities, health facilities, dams, and condominiums built are nothing but mere mental constructions. The delusional are extremist if not terrorist people.
The developmental
The comments of this category of people indicate that Ethiopia is a truly developmental state comparable to some of the fastest growing economies and democracies worldwide. To them, the infrastructure built and the double-digit economic growth reported are more than adequate evidences for that. They describe how fruitful, relaxing, and empowering were their visits to Ethiopia. They list mega stores, luxury hotels, lodges, and restaurants built in Addis Ababa and in major towns and