In 2009 a controversial anti-terrorism law (Proclamation No. 652/2009) was established in Ethiopia. The law criminalises any contact or reporting that encourages individuals or groups which the government labelled ‘terrorists.’ Since then, opposition members and journalists are convicted by the broad and ambiguous anti-terrorism law.
That proclamation has been thoroughly condemned and criticized by all of the major international human rights organization. For instance, Human Rights Watch criticized that “law” for providing “an extremely broad and ambiguous definition of terrorism that could be used to criminalize non-violent political dissent and various other activities that should not be deemed as terrorism.” Even the U.S. State Department expressed its disapproval of the “extremely harsh and politicized use of Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law” in persecuting political opponents.
Since Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law was adopted in 2009, the independent media have been decimated by politically motivated prosecutions under the law. The government has systematically thwarted attempts by journalists to establish new publications. Blogs and Internet pages critical of the government are regularly blocked, and in 2012 printing houses came under threat for printing publications that criticized the authorities.
Since the laws’ passing, what has precipitated is exactly what rights groups predicted. In less than four years, over 200 people have been arrested under the anti-terrorism law and more than 35 journalists and opposition leaders had been convicted of terrorism.
One of the journalists sentenced under the law who remain in prison is Eskinder Nega , a veteran Ethiopian journalist. He had been detained numerous times, and was sentenced in July 2012 to 18 years in prison for conspiracy to commit terrorist acts, as well as participation in a terrorist organization. The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, a panel of independent experts, concluded in November 2013, that Eskinder’s imprisonment was arbitrary and “a result of his peaceful exercise of the right to freedom of expression.”
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly raised concerns about the anti-terrorism law’s overly broad definition of “terrorist acts.” The law’s provisions on support for terrorism contain a vague prohibition on “moral support” under which only journalists have been convicted.
The latest victims of this repressive policy regime seem to be six young professionals that are part of a group of bloggers called Zone 9 and three journalists. A group of Ethiopian bloggers and journalists detained for nearly three months have been charged with “terrorism” for having links to outlawed groups and for planning attacks.
On May 2, this year, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, expressed deep concern at the arrest of these bloggers and journalists. The High Commissioner called for a reform of the country’s anti-terrorism legislation to come into line with international human rights law and stated that
“The fight against terrorism in Ethiopia cannot be used as an excuse to intimidate and silence journalists, bloggers, activists and members of civil society organizations.”|
The United States said it is deeply concerned by the Ethiopian Federal High Court’s decision to press charges against six bloggers and three independent journalists under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.
Human rights watch reportedly said the Ethiopian government should immediately drop politically motivated charges brought against 10 bloggers and journalists on July 17, 2014, under the country’s deeply flawed anti-terrorism law.
As many human rights groups have said, Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism “law” is merely a convenient mechanism for “politically motivated trials and convictions of opposition figures, activists, journalists, and bloggers, as well as increased restrictions on print media.” It is State terrorism through the use of “anti-terrorism law” and violation of the rule of international law. The “war on terrorism” should not be a war on international law where anti-terrorism efforts become a convenient justification for thuggery.
The Ethiopian regime should cease using its overly broad anti-terrorism law against journalists and peaceful political activists. International actors should pay close attention to the recent, intensified crackdown of freedom of expression. Expressing critical views is not a terrorist act. The “Terrorism” charges against bloggers and journalists are politically motivated. The fight against terrorism in Ethiopia cannot be used as an excuse to intimidate, silence and detain journalists and activists. Using “anti-terror” law to stifle peaceful dissent has to stop.
Six Ethiopian bloggers and three journalists were charged with planning attacks in the East African country in partnership with a banned U.S.-based opposition group, a judge said.
The members of the Zone 9 blogging group and reporters are accused under Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law of working with Ginbot 7, which is classified as a terrorist group by the government, Judge Tarekegn Amare told the Federal High Court today in the capital, Addis Ababa. The defendants, who were arrested in April, received funding and training in explosives from abroad, he said.
“The prosecutors didn’t actually mention any specific act which it claimed that they planned to do,” defense lawyer Ameha Mekonnen told reporters after the hearing. “They simply said that they planned, organized themselves and conspired, things like that.”
Donors such as the U.S. and the United Nations have said that Ethiopia’s 2009 anti-terrorism law is used to criminalize legitimate dissent from journalists and opposition politicians.
Award-winning writer Eskinder Nega was sentenced to 18 years in prison in 2012, while two Swedish journalists who traveled with with a rebel group were accused of supporting the insurgents and convicted under the law in 2011.
Anyone prosecuted under the anti-terrorism law is part of a network that begins in Eritrea, Ethiopia’s regional enemy, and reaches Somalia, Kenya and South Sudan, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn told reporters today.
Banned Organization
“When you put yourself into this network and you try to be a blogger, don’t think you are going to escape from the Ethiopian government,” he said in the capital. “I don’t think becoming a blogger makes anyone immune if somebody involves into this terrorist network that destabilizes my country.”
The Oromo Liberation Front, a banned organization fighting for more autonomy for Ethiopia’s Oromo people, was mentioned in the charges once, Ameha said.
The charges didn’t appear “professionally done” and the defendants, who are all in their 20s and 30s, accused the authorities of forcing them to sign confessions in previous hearings, he said. “They were forced to sign statements that they did not write,” Ameha said.
Similar allegations have been made in previous terrorism cases and are false, State Minister of Communications Shimeles Kemal said by phone from Addis Ababa. “There is nothing whatsoever to substantiate these allegations,” he said.
Next Hearing
A seventh member of the Zone 9 group, Soliana Shimelis, coordinated foreign relations and was charged in absentia, Addis Standard magazine said on its website. The defense will make an initial response to the charges, which were mainly under Article 4 of the law regarding planning acts of terrorism, at the next hearing on August 4, Ameha said.
Ginbot 7 was formed after a disputed 2005 election by former leaders of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy. The group considers Ethiopia’s government a dictatorship and says “all means necessary” are justified to depose it.
Battle of Adwa oil painting (ca. 1970, Library of Congress)
Ethiopian popular singer Teddy Afro released his fourth and most recent studio album Tikur Sew (Black Man) in 2012. The title track was a tribute to the late 19th century Emperor Menelik II and the victory of a united Ethiopian front against an aggressive Italian invasion. The event commemorated in the song and reenacted in the video is the world famous 1896 Battle of Adwa. I am not alone in arguing that this is an event of global historical significance. It not only continues to feature prominently in the historical memory of many Ethiopians as a kind of patriotic touchstone that highlights Ethiopia’s fierce defense of its sovereignty in the face of encroaching European colonialism but also, Africans throughout the world drew inspiration from Ethiopia’s victory over a well-equipped modern Italian army. In many ways, Ethiopia became emblematic of African resistance and Adwa signaled the possibility of a future victory for Africans (Diaspora included) living under the yoke of colonial rule and oppressive segregationist policies. In Europe, and Italy in particular, the Battle of Adwa was a humiliating reminder of the limits of European colonial power and challenged erroneous assumptions about African inferiority. One can learn more about the global historical importance of the event itself here and here or learn about the legacy of Adwa as it is remembered in Ethiopia from Haile Girma’s documentary film Adwa.
Depiction of Empress Taitu in the Battle of Adwa
I read the message of the song as one that was calling on Ethiopians to remember the spirit of Adwa—unity forged in diversity. Additionally, it seemed important that the song itself makes mention of Empress Taitu (Menelik II’s consort who led troops into battle) and the video depicts (at least two) women on the front lines. Ethiopian women have a long history of military involvement that often goes unacknowledged. Arguably, without the acumen of Empress Taitu, a skilled diplomat who was fluent in Italian and had the power to challenge her husband’s decision-making, there would be no Battle of Adwa to speak of. For it was Empress Taitu who urged Menelik II to declare war against Italy after discovering the discrepancies between the Italian and Amharic versions of the Wuchale Treaty—a treaty whose article 17 (in Amharic) recognized the sovereignty of Ethiopia and declared its relationship with Italy as a diplomatic partnership, while the Italian version made Ethiopia a protectorate.
However, my sanguine interpretation of the song as an effort to remind Ethiopia of the importance of unity by highlighting significant contributions made by women and prominent Oromo/Gurage military strategists in the Battle of Adwa was not how it was received in Ethiopia. As I read the vitriolic exchanges happening in the comment section on youtube (I know, I know, never read the comments) and perused the blogosphere, I was immediately struck by the way in which Tikur Sew was being cast as an attempt to re-assert Amhara hegemony. For those less familiar with Ethiopian history, for centuries, political power was concentrated in the hands of those most closely associated with an Amhara identity.
Some of the comments (like ones comparing Menelik II to Hitler) are not worth discussing because everyone knows that if a heated online discussion (regardless of topic or scope) goes on long enough, sooner or later someone will inevitably compare someone to Hitler.
It appears that some of the most vocal condemnations of Teddy Afro’s song were rooted in an Oromo nationalist narrative associated with the OLF (Oromo Liberation Front). Let me be clear: on the one hand, it is entirely accurate to assert that violent conquest played an important role in the expansion and consolidation of Menelik II’s rule and that Oromo people have not received their due recognition by historians for their contributions to Ethiopian history. On the other hand, some of the talking points presented as historical facts and used to rail against Tikur Sew are either not supported by historical evidence or have very little to do with the content of the song itself.
Dejazmach Balcha Aba Nefso, Oromo military leader who fought in Battle of Adwa and died in the 2nd Italian invasion (1936)
For instance, some commentators claimed that between 1868 and 1900, Menelik II’s army killed half of the Oromo population (amounting to 5 million). It appears that even Al-Jazeera repeated this figure in an article that contains several other inaccuracies that I won’t address here. While Ethiopia did not undertake its first official census until the 1960s, most estimates of Ethiopia’s total population in the 19th century fall somewhere around 9 million—making the 5 million number highly questionable.
Then there was the controversy over a local media outlet (Enqu) that used an an incendiary quote falsely attributed to Teddy Afro as its headline for an electronically circulated article: “For me, Menelik’s unification campaign was a Holy War.” Teddy Afro denied making the statement. The editors subsequently told their email subscribers that it was a “technical” error and distributed a different modified version. How a “technical” error can result in a fabricated quote remains unclear.
Minister of War Habte-Giyorgis Dinagde during Battle of Adwa (Gurage/Oromo)
Other commentators argued that Menelik II, like all Amhara rulers of the “Abysinnian state,” colonized the Oromo and some went so far as to claim that Oromo would have been better off if the Italians had won the battle. First, we have the historical example of Italy’s second invasion and subsequent occupation (1936-1941) to remind us that the Italians were capable of violent atrocities (mustard gas, beheadings, summary executions) that spared neither Oromo nor Amhara. Secondly, presenting Amhara rulers as a colonizing force seems to be based on the notion that a homogenous Amhara political elite is responsible for creating the “Abysinnian state” in the first place. Yet, ethnic identity and its relationship to political power are far more complex. For centuries, Oromiffa speakers migrated and settled in northern Ethiopia (traditionally associated with “Abyssinia”) and often married with Tigrayans, Amharas and Afars. Hence the idea that an ethnically homogenous “Amhara” group ruled the “Abyssinian” state is mere fiction—though perhaps a politically useful fiction (for Amhara nationalists) as ethnicity increasingly becomes the basis of political organization in Ethiopia. One could also argue that what is generally thought of as “Amhara” culture has been consistently shaped by centuries of Oromo migration, integration and political participation. Menelik II himself has both Oromo and (by some accounts) Gurage ancestry. The mother of Emperor Haile Selassie I, Menelik II’s successor, was paternally Oromo and maternally Gurage, while his father Ras Makonen Woldemikael’s was born of an Oromo father and Amhara mother. Based on his parentage, the last Emperor of Ethiopia was more Oromo than he was Amhara. In any case, the idea that ethnicity functions today in Ethiopia as it always has can be discounted by a number of historical examples. In many ways, the controversy over Tikur Sew has more to do with contemporary ethnic politics—and the role that ethnicity plays in present-day Ethiopian society than it does with the actual content of Teddy Afro’s song or the historical event it commemorates.
All that said, there is no doubt in my mind that Teddy Afro’s Tikur Sew is an oversimplification—and indeed a glorification—of a complex set of historical circumstances that highlights Menelik II’s efforts to defend Ethiopian sovereignty and does not address the violence meted out to those who resisted his efforts to incorporate the southern regions into his kingdom. Yet when is it realistic to expect nuance and complexity from pop stars?
You can read my translation of the lyrics below.
***Lyrics in Amharic and English with explanatory notes***
ኑ አድዋ ላይ እንክተት
Come to Adwa ready to fight/defend
ያ ይጥቁር ንጉስ አለና
That Black King is there and
የወኔው እሳት ነደደ
The spirit/zeal burned
ለአፍሪካ ልጆች ድል ቀና
Victory brought luck to the children of Africa
ባልቻ ኣባቱ ነፍሶ
Balcha, his father is Nefso (Balcha was a general of Oromo-Gurage origins who also fought in the second Italian invasion)
መድፋን ጣለው ተኩሶ
He threw the artillery after firing
ባየይ ዓይኔ ብረቱ
If I hadn’t seen it with my naked eye (implied: I wouldn’t have believed it)
ያውቃል ስለ እውነቱ
He knows about the truth (the previous lines are repeated)
ጥንድ አርጎ ሰራው የኔን ልብ
He made my heart two
ጊዮርጊስ ፈረሱ ቆም ሳይ
When I saw St. George’s horse standing (this reference to St. George should be understood to mean that St. George, the patron saint of Ethiopia played a decisive role in the victory. The story is that Menelik II prayed to St. George before going to Adwa and vowed to build a church in his honor should he be victorious. That is the origins of Kidist Giorgis Cathedral in Addis Ababa, which was erected as promised during Menelik II’s reign. Also Priests marched into battle carrying the Ark of the Covenant – hence the victory is seen as not only of great political importance but is of great spiritual significance.
ድል ቀናኝ ሳልል ዋይ
Victory came to my side without saying “way” (way being a vocalization like “oh” uttered as a lamentation)
አባቴ ወኔውን ተኮሰው
My father (referring to Menelik II) fired the spirit
ምንሊክ ጥቁር ሰው
Menelik, black man (again previous lines repeat)
ዳኛው ያሉት አባመላ
The judge (meaning Menelik?) who called Abamala (a leuitenant of Menelik’s)
ፊት ሀብቴ ዲነግዴ
Fit Habte Dinagde (short for Fitawrari Habte Giorgis Dinagde, Minister of War under Menelik II and of Gurage-Oromo origins)
ሰልፉን በጦር አሰመረው
The military parade drew a straight line
ፊት ሆኖ በዘዴ
He stood up front strategically
ሳልል ዋይ
without saying “way” (previous lines repeat)
ወደ አድዋ ሲሔድ ምንሊክ ኑ ካለ
When Menelik went to Adwa and said come
አይቀርም በማርያም ስለማለ
He did not remain behind since he swore by Mary
አረ አይቀርም በማርያም ስለማለ
Era (a vocalization that adds emphasis like “wow”) He did not remain behind since he swore by Mary
ታዲያ ልጁስ ሲጠራው ምን አለ ?
So what? when the child called, what was said?
ወይ
Yes!
ወይ ሳልለው ብቀር ያኔ እኔን አልሆንም ነበር እኔ
If I had not said yes at that time, I would not have become who I am
እኔን አልሆንም ነበር እኔ
I would not have become who I am
ምንሊክ ጥቁር ሰው
Menelik, Black man
ኢጆሌ ቢያኮ ጀጀባዳ መሌ – Oromifa
ጀዴቶ ከሌ ያገሬ ኮበሌ – Oromifa
ዱበት ኢነዲምኑ አልከነተኤ ጉያ – Oromifa
ዲናፍ ኢላኑ ኢትዮጵያ – Oromifa
ባልቻ ኣባቱ ነፍሶ
Balcha, his father was Nefso
መድፋን ጣለው ተኩሶ
He threw the artillery after firing
ፋኖው አባ ራስ አሉላ
Warrior Father Ras Alula (another general in the war from Tigray province)
ሳንጃ ጎራዴው ቀላ
Dagger (sanja), sword (gorade is a traditional curved sabre), became red (implied: with blood)
አዛዥ የጦሩ ባሻ
Chief commander of the army
ድል ነው ካለ መንገሻ
If Mengesha (a commander from Tigray) says, it is victory
ጊዮርጊስ ፈረሱ ቆም ሳይ
When I saw St. George’s horse standing
ድል ቀናን ሳልል ዋይ
Victory came to me without saying “way”
አባቴ ወኔውን ተኮሰው
My father fired the spirit
ምንሊክ ጥቁር ሰው
Menelik, Black man
የቀፎ ንብ ሲቆጣ ስሜቱ
When bees of the hive felt angry
ከፊት ሆና መራችው ንግስቱ
The queen (referring to Empress Taitu, Menelik II consort and closest adviser) standing up front led them
ወይ አለና ሰትጠራው ጣይቱ
Yes they said, when Taitu called
ወይ ሳልላት ብቀር ያኔ እኔን አልሆንም ነበር እኔ
If, at that time I had not said yes, I wouldn’t have become who I am
እኔን አልሆንም ነበር እኔ
I would not have become who I am
ምንሊክ ጥቁር ሰው
Menelik, Black man
( The proverb that appears at the end of “Tikur Sew” translates: “In order to define yourself now, you have to look at your past.”)
Rachael Hill is a PhD candidate at Stanford University interested in the history of health and medicine in Africa. Her current research focuses on the history of scientific research on Ethiopian medicinal plants and efforts to integrate traditional healing with biomedicine in 20th century Ethiopia.
ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ጥቂት ምናምንቴዎች ሰልጥነው ህዝቡን እያስለቀሱት ነው። ኢትዮጵያዊያን ለብዙ ዘመን በብዙ ሃዘንና እንባ ውስጥ መኖራቸው የታወቀ ነው። የአሁኑ ሃዘን እንዲሁ ተራ ሃዘን፤ ልቅሶውም ተራ ልቅሶ አይደለም። መራር ሮሮ እንጂ። ይህን የህዝብ ሮሮ የሚሰማ መንግስታዊ አካልም የለም። በ“Global terrorist database” ውስጥ የሥም ዝርዝሩ ተመዝግቦ የሚገኘው “የትግራይ ህዝብ ነፃ አውጪ” ነኝ የሚለው ቡድን መንግስ ነኝ ቢልም የመንግስት መልክና ባህሪይ ሊኖረው አልቻለም። ህወሃት መንግስታዊ አሸባሪ እንጂ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ለመሆን የሞራልም ሆነ የእውቀት ብቃት ያለው ቡድን አይደለም።
