Global Poverty and Post-colonial “Development Agendas”: Ethiopia and the West

by Paul O’Keeffe

When one thinks of the word ’agenda’ a few obvious  meanings may come to mind – a list of things to do, a plan for a meeting, a goal to achieve or perhaps even an ideology. In the context of international development aid an agenda often means something altogether very different  – a plan or goal that guides someone’s behaviour and is often not explicitly stated. Development aid agendas do not always reflect the needs and desires of the people they propose to serve. More often than not development agendas serve those who institute and organise them. Be it international development donors or governments who receive billions in aid subsidies, development aid and assistance is hardly ever free from condition or expectation on either the donor or receiver side.

The world of international aid is a multi-trillion dollar exercise with transactions affecting every country on earth. Some give, some receive, some give and receive, but all are involved in aid flows that are ultimately held up as virtuous considerations of man to fellow man. The world has long been used to the cycles of dependency and desperation that these aid flows illustrate. Ethiopia, for example, with its frequent food insecurity issues and prominence as a major receiver of international aid is perhaps the most perfect example of aid desperation and dependency. In 2011 alone Ethiopia received $3.6 billion in Overseas Development Aid (ODA)^[1] . This enormous figure represents over half of the Ethiopian regime’s annual revenue. With the international community’s growing concerns for security and economic interests in the Horn of Africa it is not difficult to imagine how this ODA necessitates a certain amount of condition or expectation for the Ethiopian regime. It is, after all, somewhat unrealistic to expect international donors to hand over vast amounts of money to a regime that neither fits the neat description of sympathetic governance nor reflects the tenets of democracy.

A pragmatic view of the complexities of handing over millions of Dollars, Euros, Pounds or Renminbi might even posit that development aid should never be without condition. Perhaps it shouldn’t.  For example, if a country like Uganda continues to give oxygen to a ferocious anti-homosexual lobby then its ability to receive development aid may be seriously compromised by its donor partners. The diplomatic and international donor furore that erupted in response to the Ugandan ‘anti-gay’ bill^[2] which was first proposed to the parliament in 2009 (the bill proposes the death penalty for some same-sex acts and criminalises others) and is still before parliament has highlighted the moral leverage that ODA can play in promoting human rights. Threats and petitions to reduce or withdraw aid from Uganda have largely been credited with halting Uganda’s fervour in passing the bill thus far (the United Kingdom and the United States have both threatened to cut aid to Uganda if it passed the bill). These threats and petitions from major donors have largely been met in Uganda with the rancorous response that the West is trying to impose a “gay agenda” on Africa.

If by ‘agenda’ Uganda means a position that promotes the human rights of people who are homosexual then it is very difficult to argue that the international donor community is not justified in using its financial prowess to resist such human rights abuses. However, despite its use of such leverage, the question arises as to why the West fails miserably at propagating its ‘gay agenda’ in countries such as Russia and Saudi Arabia where similar human rights abuses are codified in law. A similar question can be posed as to why Western governments and donor agencies would supply a country such as Ethiopia, with its record of human rights abuses^[3], with enough money to continue functioning  – business as usual? Evidently agendas are not uniform, but instead are situation and country specific. Everybody has an agenda but what matters is the power-outcome dynamic that governs the particular agenda.

With regards to ODA in Ethiopia, to even begin to understand the agendas in play one has to look at the Ethiopian regime’s most ostensible economic development raison d’être  – utilising the country’s vast agricultural potential to become a middle income country by 2025. Under the so-called Agricultural Development Led Industrialisation (ADLI) programme[4] the regime purports to elevate the vast amount of the country’s population out of grinding poverty in just over a decade. A potential feat that has everyone from the EU Commission to USAID dancing in the bleachers. Never mind that Ethiopia  suffers catastrophically from a cycle of food insecurity, famine and dependency and is consistently languishes in the lower echelons of the UNDP’s Human Development Index[5] (currently 173^rd out of 187 countries and territories around the world), the World Bank[6] approved ADLI is supposedly saving the day.  When everything appears to be going to plan a blind eye is easily turned to the realities that stifle the lives of millions.  It is far easier for a non-critical West to accept and fund the ostensible agenda of lifting millions out of poverty rather than the less palatable one of maintaining an unjust regime’s vice-like grip on power and control as long as its security and economic interests are upheld.

The interplay between development agendas, the regime and its tightening stranglehold on Ethiopian society permeates most areas of life in Ethiopia. Higher education development is one example of how the development agenda is being used to stead fasten the regime’s hold over the country. In the last 15 years the country has gone from having 2 federal universities to 31, serving more than 90,000 new enrollments annually.

While this number is still small for a country of its size (it represents only 3% of the relevant cohort as opposed to 6% in the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa) the rapid expansion of universities across the country has left many questioning the motivation behind a sudden investment (40% of the total education budget goes on higher education) in higher education development. On the one hand the regime has touted higher education as a means to serve the growing need for qualified and competent workers who can facilitate its desire to reach the status of a middle income country.  A satisfying explanation for those who green light the billions that are transferred to the regime annually.  On the other hand the Ethiopian higher education system is frequently admonished by critics of the regime as aiding and abetting its stranglehold on Ethiopian society by creating a new layer of loyal party elites, locking education attainment into regime membership and using the lecture hall as a podium for its own propaganda. This is one agenda that doesn’t fit well with the Western cooperation and development narrative used to justify huge transfers of funds into the regime’s coffers.

Another agenda that doesn’t fit so well with development narratives, but one that is no less easy to countenance, is that of the international agri-biotech industry and its influence on development aid. The nexus between the huge financial interests of companies such as Monsanto and development aid has seen greater emphasis on agri-biotech solutions for Ethiopia’s chronic food insecurity issues being placed on agriculture development initiatives in recent years. The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, for example, provides millions towards ‘improving’ Ethiopia’s agricultural industry, most notably through its cooperation with the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA)^[7].

Agra is a partnership organisation whose members include DFID, The Rockefeller Foundation, The International Development Research Centre, the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, the African Union’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development, the Association for European Parliamentarians for Africa and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. It receives funding from governments and organisations around the world, including USAID, DFID, SIDA, and DANIDA to name a few^[8].

AGRA aims ‘to achieve a food secure and prosperous Africa through the promotion of rapid, sustainable agricultural growth based on smallholder farmer’. While such an agenda is commendable the organisation’s connection with Monsanto, a company that has a long history of locking farmers into commercial relations which require them to buy their patented seeds and use their chemicals in order to grow their crops, is less commendable. In 2010 the Gates Foundation purchased $23 million worth of shares in Monsanto. The Gates foundation, in what many would suspect as a cynical public relations exercise to try to separate itself from the murky reputation of Monsanto, has tried to distance itself by saying that its philanthropic and business arms don’t influence each other. One has to wonder though as to what extent this unholy alliance does not influence each other’s agendas and how much of this is about profit making rather than philanthropy.

Taking into account the prominence of the agri-biotech industry in global agriculture and its closeness to policy makers (as evidenced in confidential cables leaked by Wikileaks^[9]which showed that the United States was vehemently against the Ethiopian Biosaftey Proclamation^[10] and lobbied to scrap it) it is clear that the connection between the agri-biotech industry and development goes further than a non-influential relationship. Increasingly higher education is the vehicle used to facilitate this relationship. Western agri-biotechs and ODA agencies are heavily involved in funding academic endeavours at Ethiopian universities which aim to improve food security and achieve the ADLI agenda of middle income status. On the more benevolent side ODA agencies such as SIDA  and Irish Aid fund sustainable bio-resource programmes at various Ethiopian universities (SIDA funds the Bio-resources Innovations Network for Eastern Africa Development programmewhich is partnered with Addis Ababa University and Hawassa University and Irish Aid Funds the Potato Centre of Excellence partnered with Arba Minch University). On the other side organisations such as AGRA, with its connection to Monsanto through one of its main funders is heavily involved with agricultural projects at Haramaya University and the Ethiopian Institute for Agricultural Research^[11]. Considering what is available openly on these organisations websites it doesn’t take your inner conspiracy theorist to connect the massive agri-biotech industry’s agenda to Ethiopia’s ADLI programme.

The development narrative may not sit so easily with the commercial agendas of big business but it is there for anyone to see. Governments and development agencies may be reluctant to admit the full extent of their development agendas for fear that their commercial and security interests may be compromised. Should this even matter when at the end of the day ordinary peoples’ lives are improving? Morality aside, it probably shouldn’t if indeed this is so. In Ethiopia’s case the evidence for this improvement is marginal. It is true that fewer people are dying from preventable famine, just as it is true that Ethiopia has the dubious honour of having the fastest growing rate of dollar millionaires per capita in Africa[12].

In excess of 35 million Ethiopians still live in abject poverty subsisting on less that $2 a day while a tiny fraction of the country’s 85 million people has become excessively rich. As more and more ODA is pumped into the country Ethiopia’s HDI rank hasn’t improved (in fact it has gone from 169^th in the world to 173^rd in the last decade), journalists, academics and opposition figures are still jailed for speaking out against the regime, ethnic minorities such as the Oromo are discriminated against and forced off their lands, corruption and human rights abuses are still rife. Less people may be dying but are ordinary peoples’ lives improving at a rate that warrants the West to turn a blind eye to the crimes of those in power? It may suit certain agendas to do so but it does a massive disservice to ordinary Ethiopians.

Paul O’Keeffe is a doctoral research fellow at Sapienza University of Rome

Notes

[1] OECD DAC Statistics Ethiopia 2011 http://www.oecd.org/dac/stats/ETH.gif

[2] Human Rights Watch Uganda Country Report 2013 http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2013/country-chapters/uganda?page=3

 [3] Human Rights Watch Ethiopia World Report 2013 http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2013/country-chapters/ethiopia

[4] Ethiopian Government Portal ADLI http://www.ethiopia.gov.et/policies-and-strategies1?p_p_id=77&p_p_lifecycle=0&p_p_state=maximized&p_p_mode=view&_77_struts_action=%2Fjournal_content_search%2Fsearch

[5] UNDP’s Human Development Index http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/hdi/

 [6] World Bank Ethiopia Cooperationhttp://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2012/08/16702735/ethiopia-country-partnership-strategy

[7] AGRA in Ethiopia – http://www.agra.org/where-we-work/ethiopia/

[8] List of Donors to AGRA http://www.agra.org/AGRA/en/who-we-are/donors/

[9] Wikileaks Cables on Biosaftey Proclamation http://danielberhane.com/2011/09/28/wikileaks-us-opposed-to-biosafety-in-ethiopia-4-cables-full-text/

[10] Ethiopian Environmental Protection Authority’s Biosafety Proclamationhttp://www.unep.org/biosafety/files/ETNBFrep.pdf

[11] AGRA Funded Academic Programmes http://www.agra.org/grants/soil-health-program/shp-ethiopia/ 

[12]Ethiopia hailed as ‘African lion’ with fastest creation of millionaires.

በ”ዲሞክራሲና ሁለንተናዊ ልማት በኢትዮጵያ”ና በሁለት ተጨማሪ መጽሀፎች ላይ የቀረበ አጭር አስተያየት

ፋሲል የኔዓለም

በፖለቲካው ዓለም ጉልህ ስፍራ ያላቸው ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ “ዲሞክራሲና ሁለንተናዊ ልማት በኢትዮጵያ” በሚል ርዕስ የጻፉትን አዲስ መጽሃፍ ያነበብኩት ዘግይቼ ነው ፤ ለመዘግየቴ ሶስት መሰራታዊ ምክንያቶች ነበሩኝ፣ አንዱና ዋናው ዶ/ሩ በተለያዩ ፖለቲካዊና ኢኮኖሚ ጉዳዮች ላይ ያላቸውን አመለካከት በመገናኛ ብዙሃን በስፋት ስላቀረቡ በመጽሀፉ ውስጥ እምብዛም አዲስ ነገር ያቀርባሉ የሚል እምነት ስላልነበረኝ ነው። ሁለተኛው ምክንያት ደግሞ ዶ/ሩ ራሳቸው በከፊል የጠቀሱት ነው፣ “ በአገሪቱ ለዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት የሚደረገው ትግል ውስጥ ጉልህ ሚና እየተጫወተ ያለ የተቃዋሚ ድርጅት አመራር አባል መሆኑን ሲመለከት፣ ከቅንጦትም ባሻገር በተወሰነ ደረጃ “ የስራ ፈትነት” ወይንም የበለጠ ጠርጣራ ( cynic) ለሆነ ሰው “ በተግባር ስራ ለመስራት ካለመቻል “ የመጣ፤ ተግባራዊ ድክመትን ለመሸፈን የሚደረግ ሙከራ ሊመስል ይችላል” የሚለው ነው። ሶስተኛው ምክንያቴ ደግሞ ፣ ፋሽን በሚመስል መልኩ በአገር ቤት የሚኖሩ ፖለቲከኞች በተከታታይ መጽሃፎችን በማሳተማቸው ለእነሱ ቅድሚያ ለመስጠት በመፈለግ ነው።

ዶ/ር ብርሃኑን ያነበብኩት ሁለቱ ታዋቂ ፖለቲከኞች፣ ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና “የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ምስቅልቅል ጉዞና የሕይወቴ ትዝታዎች -ከኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ እስከ ኢህአዴግ” እንዲሁም ኢ/ር ሃይሉ ሻውል “ ሕይወቴ እና የፖለቲካ እርምጃዬ” በሚሉ ርዕሶች ያሳተሙዋቸውን መጽሃፎች ካነበብኩ በሁዋላ በመሆኑ፣ በሶስቱም ስራዎች ላይ መጠነኛ ንጽጽር ለማድረግ አስችሎኛል።

ዶ/ር መረራ ከተማሪዎች እንቅስቃሴ እስከ ዛሬ ያለውን የአገራችንን ፖለቲካ ግሩም በሆነ መንገድ አቅርበዋል፤ መጽሃፉ ብዙ አስቂኝ ገጠመኞች የተካተቱበት በመሆኑ ፣ በቋንቋና በዓርትዖት በኩል የሚታይበትን ጉልህ ችግር አይተን እንዳላየን እንድናልፈው ያስገድደናል። መጽሀፉ በጥሩ ዓርታዒ እንደገና ቢታረምና ቢታተም “ የተዋጣላቸው” ከሚባሉት የአገራችን መጽሀፎች ተርታ የመመደቡ እድል ከፍተኛ ነው። ዶ/ር መረራ የአገራችንን ህልውና እየተፈታተነ የመጣውን፣ በ1960ዎቹ ተዘርቶ በእነ አቶ መለስ ዜናዊ አገዛዝ ተኮትኮቶ ያደገውን የብሄር ፖለቲካ መነሻ ፣ ያመጣውን ግሳንግስ እና የግሳንግሱን ማራገፊያ መፍትሄ አስቀምጠዋል። መፍትሄ ብለው ያስቀመጡትም በመጽሀፉ የመጨረሻ ገጽ እንደሚከተለው ሰፍሯል፣ “ …ለታሪክም ለህዝብም አስቀምጬ (ማለፍ) የምፈልገው መሰረታዊ ነጥብ ፣ አብዛኛው የትግራይ ሊሂቃን “ ስልጣን ወይም ሞት” ብሎ ስልጣን ላይ የሙጥኝ እስካለ ድረስ ፣ አብዛኛው የአማራ ሊህቃን በአጼዎች ዘመን የነበረውን የበላይነትን መልሼ አገኛለሁ ብሎ የሚገፋውን የሕልም ፖለቲካ እስካልተወ ድረስ፣ ብዙሃኑ የኦሮሞ ሊህቃን ኦሮሚያን ለብቻ የማውጣቱን ሕልም እስካልተወ ድረስ ሀገራችን ከአደጋ ቀጠና የምትወጣ አይመስለኝም። በሌላ ቋንቋ ለነዚህ መሰረታዊ በሽታዎቻችን መድሃኒት እስካላገኘን ድረስ ኢትዮጵያ ዘላቂ ሰላምም ሆነ ዲሞክራሲያዊ አስተዳደርን ፈጽሞ የምታገኝ አይመስለኝም።” ( ገጽ 264)። ምንም እንኳ “አብዛኛው” የሚለው ቃል አወዛጋቢ ሊሆን እንደሚችል ቢሰማኝም ፣ ዶ/ሩ ያቀረቡት የመፍትሄ ሃሳብ በትኩረት ሊታይ እንደሚገባው ሳላስታውስ አላልፍም፤ በተለይ” እነዚህ የሶስቱ ብሄሮች ሊህቃን ህልማቸውን እንዲተው ማድረግ የሚቻለው እንዴት ነው?” የሚለው ጥያቄ ለእኔ ቁልፍ ይመስለኛል። ዶ/ር መረራ በዚህ ዙሪያ የተብራራ መልስ ቢሰጡ ኖሮ መጽሃፋቸውን የበለጠ ሙሉ ማደረግ ይችሉ ነበር እላለሁ።

የኢንጂነር ሃይሉ መጽሀፍ የአገራችንን የፖለቲካ ችግር ከግለሰቦች ባህሪ ጋይ ያያዘው በመሆኑ ብዙም ክብደት የሚሰጠው ሆኖ አላገኘሁትም፤ ንድፈሃሳባዊ ትንተናዎች ይጎድሉታል፣ የተዓማኒነት ችግሮችም አሉበት( በተለይ ከቅንጅት መሪዎች ጋር ስለነበረው የሽምግልና ሂደትና ከዚያ በሁዋላ ስለተፈጠሩት ኩነቶች) ፤ ለተተኪው ትውልድ የሚሰጠው ትምህርት ስለመኖሩም በእጅጉ እጠራጠራለሁ፤ በእርግጥ ኢ/ር ሃይሉ ብዙ ውጣውረዶችን አልፈው እስካሁን በህይወት ለመቆየት መቻላቸው እድለኛ ሰው እንደሆኑ በመጽሃፋ ለማየት ችለናል፣ አገራቸውን የሚወዱ ሰው መሆናቸውንም አስገንዝቦናል። ኢ/ር ሃይሉ የዶ/ር ነጋሶ ጊዳዳን መንገድ በመከተል መጽሀፉን በሌላ ሰው በማስጻፋቸው ስለጸሃፊነት ችሎታቸው አስተያየት ለመስጠት አያስችልም ።

የዶ/ር ብርሀኑ “ዲሞክራሲና ሁለንተናዊ ልማት በኢትዮጵያ” የሚለው ርዕስ ዘጊ ወይም ለማንበብ የማይጋብዝ ነው፤ በትምህርቱ አለም የዘለቁና የጥናትና ምርምር ወረቀቶችን ለማንበብ ፍላጎት ያላቸው ምሁራን ካልሆኑ በስተቀር፣ እንደ እኔ አይነቱ ተራ አንባቢ በርዕሱ ማልሎ መጽሀፉን ለማንበብ ስለመነሳሳቱ እጠራጠራለሁ። መጽሀፉ ውጫዊ ገጽታው ባያማልልም ውስጣዊ ይዘቱ ግን ድንቅ ነው። እንደምንም የጀመርኩትን መጽሀፍ እየተጨነቁና እየፈራሁ፣ እያዘንኩና ከራሴ ጋር እየተሟገትኩ፣ እግረ-መንገዴንም የጸፊውን እይታ፣ የትንታኔ እና የቋንቋ አጠቃቀም ችሎታ እያደነቁኩ ጨርሸዋለሁ። መጽሀፉን እንደጨረስኩ የተናደድኩበት ነገር ቢኖር ጻሃፊው የኢትዮጵያን ችግሮች እንዲያ አድርገው ካቀረቡ በሁዋላ መፍትሄውን በይደር በመተዋቸው ነው።

ከዚህ ቀደም የአገራችንን ሁለተናዊ ችግሮች ማለትም የፖለቲካ፣ የኢኮኖሚ፣ የተፈጥሮና የህዝብ ብዛትን በአንድነት አጣምሮ፣ በአገራችን ህልውና ላይ የደቀኑትን ፈተናዎች ቅልብጭ አድርጎ ያሳየ ከገብረህይወት ባይከዳኝ “መንግስትና የህዝብ አስተዳደር” በሁዋላ የተጻፈ መጽሀፍ ስለመኖሩ እጠራጠራለሁ፤ ይህን ስል ሌሎች ድንቅ የፖለቲካ መጽሃፎች አልተጻፉም እያልኩ አይደለም፤ የዶ/ር ብርሃኑን መጽሀፍ ለየት የሚያደርገው የተለያዩ የፖለቲካና የኢኮኖሚ ችግሮችን ለይተው በማውጣት እርስበርስ ያላቸውን ትስስር ከግሩም ትንተና ጋር ሁሉም ሊረዳውና ሊጠቀምበት በሚችለው መንገድ ማቅረባቸው ነው ። (የምጣኔ ሀብት ትምህርት ( economics) የማይገባው ሰው እንኳ ቢሆን፣ መጽሀፉን አንብቦ ስለአገራችን ኢኮኖሚ ለመረዳት አይሳነውም።) መጽሃፉ የባራክ ኦባማን The Audacity of Hope እንዳስታወሰኝ ብገልጽ ያጋነንኩ አይመስለኝም፣ አጋነኸዋል የምትሉኝ ካላችሁም ” አንብቡትና ሞግቱኝ።

የዚህ መጽሀፍ ትልቁ መልእክት፣ ለእኔ እንደገባኝ፣ “የአገራችን ችግር ዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓትን በመገንባት ይፈታል” የሚለው አስተሳሰብ እንደሚታሰበው ቀላል አለመሆኑንና ከአሁኑ መፍትሄ ካልተበጀለት በሁዋላ ላይ ይዞት የሚመጣው ችግር ቀላል አለመሆኑን ማሳየት ነው ። የብሄር ፖለቲካው በዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ግንባታ ላይ የሚኖረው ተጽእኖ፣ በአገራችን ልማትን ለማምጣት የሚገጥሙ ፖለቲካዊና መዋቅራዊ ችግሮች፣ ከአካባቢ ውድመትና ከህዝብ ብዛት ጋር ተያይዞ በመጽሀፉ በዝርዝር ቀርቧል። በአሁኑ ጊዜ በአገራችን እየታየ ያለውን የገቢ አለመመጣጠንም 1500 ብር የሚያወጣውን የአንድ መለኪያ ውስኪ ግብዣ በምሳሌነት በማንሳት በደቡብ አፍሪካ እንደታየው በአገራችንም ለወደፊቱ ይዞ ሊመጣ የሚችለውን ጣጣ ጸሀፊው በደንብ አሳይተውናል።

መጽሀፉ የውጩ ፖለቲካ በአገራችን ፖለቲካ ላይ የሚያሳርፈውን ተጽዕኖ እንዲሁም የአለማቀፉ የንግድ ስርዓት በኢትዮጵያ እድገት ላይ ያለውን ተጽእኖ ቢያካትት ኖሮ የበለጠ ድንቅ ይሆን እንደነበር አስባለሁ ። ከዚያ በተረፈ ግን መፍትሄዎቹ በሌላ ክፍል እንደሚቀርቡ መገለጹ በመጽሀፉ ላይ በቂ ክርክር እንዳይነሳ ያደረገው ይመስለኛል። በመጽሀፉ በቀረቡት ችግሮች እና ትንተናዎች ላይ ተቃውሞ የሚኖረው ሰው ይኖራል ብየ አላስብም፣ ተቃውሞ የሚነሳው ችግሮችን ለመፍታት በሚቀርቡት የመፍትሄ ሀሳቦች ላይ እንደሚሆን በመገመት ቀጣዩ መጽሃፍ አወያይ ( አካራካሪ) ይሆናል እላለሁ።

ስለአገራቸው እንቅልፍ አጥተው የሚያድሩ ሁሉ መጽሀፉን እንዲያነቡት እመክራለሁ ( የዶ/ር መረራንም ጨምሮ)። በተለይ በሰላማዊው የትግል ሜዳ ለመፋለም የሚያስቡ ጀማሪም ሆኑ ነባር ፖለቲከኞች የብርሀኑን መጽሀፍ በማንበብና በምርጫ ክርክር ወቅት ይዞ በመቅረብ ( የመፍትሄው መጽሀፍ ቶሎ እንደሚደረ

የአንድን ህብረተሰብ ችግር የመረዳትና መፍትሄ የመፈለግ ጉዳይ- ምክንያታዊ፣ ስሜታዊ ወይም ሳይንሳዊ መንገድ!

ከፈቃዱ በቀለ

መግቢያ፣

በመጀመሪያ ደረጃ ውድ አቶ ካሳሁን ነገዎ ታዋቂ ሰዎችን ወይም ምሁሮችን ለቃለ-መጠይቅ እያቀረበ አስተያየታቸውንና አመለካከታቸውን እንድናዳምጥና ትምህርት እንድንቀምስ የሚያደርገው ጥረት የሚያስመሰግነው ነው። በዚህም መሰረት በአ.አ በ23.12.2013 ዓ.ም ዶክተር ብርሃኑ ነጋን በቅርቡ ለዕትመትና ለንባብ ባበቃው፣ „ዲሞክራሲና ሁለንታዊ ልማት“ በተባለው መጽሀፉ ዙሪያ ምን ማለቱ እንደሆነ ለቃለ-መጠይቅ ጋብዞት አንዳንዶቻችን ለማዳመጥ ችለናል። የቃለ-መጠይቁን ምልልስ በጥሞና ላዳመጠ የዶክተር ብርሃኑ ነጋ መልስ ግልጽና ብዙም የሚያከራክር ጉዳይ አይደለም።

…ዶክተር ብርሃኑ ነጋ በኢትዮጵያ ያለውን የተወሳሰበ ችግር ከብቃት ማነስ ጋርም ለማያያዝ ሞክሯል። ይህ ችግር በመንግስትም ሆነ በተቃዋሚዎች መሀከል ሲንፀባርቅ ሲታይ፣ ችግሩ በተለያዩ ኃይሎች ዘንድ የተለያየ ግንዛቤ እንዳለ ይጠቁማል። በተለይም በተቃዋሚው መሀከል ያለውን ችግር ሲያብራራ፣ የተወሰነው ኃይል የአገራችንን ችግር `በጥልቀት` ሲመለከትና `ለመፍታት` ሲጥር፣ ሌላው ደግሞ የራሱን አጀንዳ ይዞ በመምጣትና ስሜታዊ ቅስቀሳ በማድረግ የፓለቲካውን መድረክ እንደሚያደፈርሰውና፣ ይህም ዐይነቱም አካሄድ ለተወሳሰበው የአገራችን ችግር ተደራቢ ችግር እንደፈጠረለት ይጠቁማል። እዚህ ላይ ዶክተር ብርሃኑ ነጋ የብቃትን ማነስ ከዕውቀት ጋር መያያዝ እንደሌለበት ለማብራራት ሞክሯል። በእኔ ግምት ግን ብቃት ማነስ የሚለው አባባል በቀጥታ ከዕውቀትና ከልምድ ማነስ ጋር የሚያያዝ ስለሆነ፣ ብቃት ማነስ በሚለው ፈንታ የንቃተ-ህሊና ማነስ የሚለው ዶክተር ብርሃኑ ነጋ ላነሳው ጥያቄና የህብረተሰብአችንን ችግር ለመረዳትና መፍትሄም ለመፈለግ የተሻለ አካሄድ ይመስለኛል… [ሙሉውን ለማንበብ እዚህ ይጫኑ]

Teddy Afro’s Statement on Magazine Controversy

A few weeks ago I gave an interview to Enqu magazine in relation to the memorial marking the 100th year since the death of Menelik II.

I know that this interview was presented to the public under the title “Ametatun yaye akahedun yawkal.” However, under circumstances unbeknownst to me and due to the error of the magazine, my photo was printed alongside a different quote which is not in line with my belief or journey.

As proof of this, one can refer to my message contained in the article titled “Ametatun yaye akahedun yawkal,” in the magazine article. The magazine has issued a correction and apologized to us for its error.

As my journey is one of love, unity and closeness/togetherness, we will handle this issue with the same emotion/ principle/sentiment.

Love will triumph

Tewodros Kassahun

2013: The Year of Ethiopia’s Rising Cheetahs in Review

by Alemayehu G. Mariam*

In January 2013, I proclaimed, “2013 shall be the Year of Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation.” I promised “to make my full contribution to uplift and support Ethiopia’s youth and to challenge them to rise up to newer heights.” They rose to greater heights. I pledged to “reach out to them, teach them and preach to them”. I feel proud that I was able to deliver on my promise. In December 2013, I was delighted and immensely gratified to stand with Yilikal Getnet, Chairman of Ethiopia’s Semayawi (Blue) Party in Arlington, VA and show my solidarity with Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation (young people).

In 2013, the Chee-Hippo Generation made itself known. I declared, “I am damn proud to be a Chee-Hippo”. There is a need to “invent” a new generation, the Chee-Hippo Generation. A Chee-Hippo is a Hippo (older generation) who thinks, behaves and acts like a Cheetah. A Chee-Hippo is also a cheetah who understands the limitations of Hippos yet is willing to work with them in common cause for a common purpose. Chee-Hippos are bridge builders. They build strong intergenerational bridges that connect the young with the old. They build bridges to connect people seeking democracy, freedom and human rights. They build bridges across ethnic canyons and connect people stranded on islands of homelands. They bridge the gulf of language, religion and region. They build bridges to link up the rich with the poor. They build bridges of national unity to harmonize diversity. They build bridges to connect the youth at home with the youth in the Diaspora.”

There was a massive propaganda assault and arbitrary arrest and detention of young people protesting against official interference in their faith and the way they seek to administer their religious affairs. The ruling regime in Ethiopia aired a one hour “documentary” entitled “Jihadawi Harakat” (“Holy War Movement”) purportedly aimed at exposing home grown Islamic extremists and terrorists preparing for a “holy war” to establish an Islamic government in Ethiopia. That outrageous, malicious and dirty “documentary” depicted young Ethiopian Muslims as Al Qaeda operatives and terrorists in the vein of the vicious Boko Harm of Nigeria. I condemned that nauseating and revolting documentary: “There are lies, naked lies, damned lies and sleazy lies. ‘Jihadawi Harakat’ is all four rolled into one.”

I celebrated my special heroes in 2013. I paid special tribute to Ethiopian journalistsEskinder Nega and Reeyot Alemu, both of whom symbolize the plight of all young Ethiopian journalists imprisoned, persecuted, prosecuted and harassed by the dictatorship in power. These young journalists are heroes of a special kind to me because they represent the yearning of Ethiopia’s youth for freedom and the ongoing struggle against tyranny and for human rights in Ethiopia. They fought with nothing more than ideas and the truth. They slew falsehoods with the sword of truth. Armed only with a pen, they fought despair with hope; fear with courage; anger with reason; arrogance with humility; ignorance with knowledge; intolerance with forbearance; oppression with perseverance; doubt with trust and cruelty with compassion. Above all, they spoke truth to power and to those who abuse, misuse, overuse and are corrupted by power.

The world saw the abysmal depths of corruption of the ruling regime in Ethiopia in 2013. Corruption was everywhere — in construction, telecommunication, land, health, justice and education. Corruption in education is perhaps the most devastating because it impacts the youth so much. “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world,” said Nelson Mandela. For the ruling regime in Ethiopia, ignorance is the most powerful weapon you can use to prevent change and cling to power. They feed the youth a propaganda diet rich in misinformation, disinformation, distortions, misguided opinions, worn out slogans and sterile dogmas from a bygone era. They have made Ethiopia the “Benighted Kingdom” where ignoramuses are kings, queens, princes and princesses. Edu-corruption steals the future of youth. It permanently cripples them intellectually by denying them opportunities to acquire knowledge and transform their lives and take control of the destiny of their nation. As Malcom X perceptively observed, “Without education, you are not going anywhere in this world.” Could Ethiopia’s youth go anywhere in this world trapped and chained deep in the belly of a corrupt educational system?

In mid-2013, Ethiopia’s young people had an awakening. Semayawi (Blue) Party led thousands of young protesters in the streets of the capital demanding the release of political prisoners, religious freedom, respect for human rights and the Constitution and public accountability. They demanded action on youth unemployment, inflation and corruption. I was inspired: “The long youth march to freedom and dignity has begun in Ethiopia. It is beautiful. It is beautiful because it is peaceful. It is beautiful because it is motivated by love of country and love of each other as children of one Mother Ethiopia. It is beautiful because Ethiopia’s youth in unison are shouting out loud, “We can’t take anymore! We need change!”

In the Rise of the Blue Cheetahs, I argued that Ethiopia’s young people are rising and creating a special kind of change that flows form the fertile imagination of the youth. They are imagining a brave new Ethiopia. They don’t want the old Ethiopia built on a foundation of ethnic division, tribal affiliation, religious sectarianism and communalism. They want gender equality. I boldly asked, “Why shouldn’t they have their Ethiopia? We had ours, isn’t it time they have theirs?

When President Obama visited Africa in the Summer of 2013, I wrote two “flash dramas” (plays) to add creative range to my commentaries and expand my reach to the younger generation of Ethiopians. The two youthful characters were not sure why Obama was “coming to Africa”.
…
Duma: Aah! Obama is coming back to his African roots, that’s good Shudi.
Shudi: No, coming to talk to Africans.
Duma: Talk… Sweet talk. Tough talk. Small talk. Talk peace. Talk war. Walk the talk. Don’t walk the talk. Talk the talk. Talk sense. Talk nonsense. Talk is cheap. Money talks, bull_ _ _ _ walks. Talk, talk, talk…?
…

After Obama’s Africa visit, the two young protagonists rendered their judgment:
…
Shudi: Obama has come and gone…
Duma: Obama came and saw but did he conquer?
Shudi: He came. He saw. He left.

I offered President Obama my humble suggestions to empower Africa’s youth when he launched his “Power Africa” initiative. I urged him to empower the youth before “powering Africa”. I agreed with President Obama that Africa has a power problem and that he is part of that problem. “Africa needs protection from thugs-cum-leaders who abuse power, misuse power, confuse power and excuse and justify their abuse and misuse of power. President Obama is already powering Africa. The question is not whether to power Africa but how to protect powerless Africans from those dictators America has powered and empowered by doling out billions of dollars in aid, loans and technical assistance every year. If he wants to power Africa, he should begin by empowering ordinary Africans against those who abuse and misuse their power. He should power up the youth grid that remains unused, abused and disused by those who manage the political power grid. He should use the billions of dollars of annual aid to disempower the few powerful African thugtators and empower the hundreds of millions of African youth.”

I celebrated the young people who led the American civil rights movement on the 50th anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington. Martin Luther King who began his civil rights struggle at age 26 dreamed about creating the “Beloved Community” in America which “will require a qualitative change in our souls as well as a quantitative change in our lives.” MLK’s “Beloved Community” is a society free of racism, poverty and militarism. It is a community of love and justice where brotherhood and sisterhood founded on the principle of compassion and caring define the meaning of social life. MLK said “nonviolence is the answer to the crucial political and moral questions of our time: the need for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to oppression and violence. Man must evolve for all human conflict a method which rejects revenge, aggression and retaliation. The foundation of such a method is love.”

I called for a “renaissance of Ethiopian youth” in 2013. I argued that if Ethiopia is to have a “renaissance”, a “rebirth” or “revival” of any kind, it could only come through the blood, sweat and tears of her young people, and not from fables invented by despots and their mouthpieces. I believe young Ethiopian entrepreneurs are the tip of the spear in leading the country into an economic renaissance. Young Ethiopian scholars should lead the forces of intellectual transformation. Young Ethiopian scientists and engineers should lead the country into self-sufficiency and global competitiveness. Young Ethiopian lawyers should carry the sword of justice. Young Ethiopian leaders must be the dynamic agents of social and political change and lead Ethiopia into a bold and brave 21st Century.

Young Ethiopian migrant workers faced outrageous violations of their human rights in Saudi Arabia in 2013. Saudi police, security officials and thugs hunted down Ethiopians in the streets, beating, torturing and in some cases killing them. The video clips of Saudi police torturing Ethiopians are shocking to the conscience. The video clips of Saudi mobs in the presence of police and security officials chasing, attacking and lynching Ethiopians in the streets were proof of crimes against humanity. The “foreign minister” of the regime in Ethiopia apologized to the Saudi regime for abusing Ethiopian migrant workers, “Ethiopia would like to express its respect for the decision of the Saudi Authorities and the policy of deporting illegal migrants.” He added, what is happening to Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia “may be accepted when nations are at war to deport like this in a very rapid fashion people may understand, but not in peaceful situation.” In other words, the migrant workers are to blame for the abuse they suffered. He gave new meaning to the old expressions, “Never bite the hand that feeds you.”

It was time to say goodbye to the great Nelson Mandela, My African Prince. I never met Nelson Mandela. I wish I had just for the opportunity to say “Thank you!” Nelson Mandela was a bridge builder. He built bridges across racial, ethnic and class divides. Nelson Mandela was a fireman. He saved the South African house by dousing the smoldering embers of racial and ethnic strife with truth and reconciliation. Nelson Mandela was a pathfinder. He built two roads named Goodness and Reconciliation for the long walk to freedom, and walked the talk. Nelson Mandela was an architect. He built a magnificent tower of multiracial democracy on the ashes of apartheid. Nelson Mandela was a magician. He pulled a white and a black dove out of a hat at once and let them fly free. Nelson Mandela was the greatest alchemist who ever lived. He transformed hate into love, fear into courage; doubt into faith; intolerance into compassion; anger into understanding, discord into harmony and shame into dignity. I delivered Mandela’s Message to Ethiopia’s youth. “Do good, forgive and reconcile in creating your Beloved Ethiopian Community. Try without the promise of success; try in the face of failure, doubt and uncertainty. Try even when tired and just can’t go on. Try when there is no hope. Try again after succeeding. Try like Mandela tried.”

In 2013, I became a Witness for Semayawi (Blue) Party. I support Semayawi Party because it is a political party of young people, for young people and by young people. It is a party that aspires to represent the interests of the vast majority of Ethiopians (70 percent of Ethiopia’s population today is under age 35). Ethiopia’s young people continue to pay for democracy, freedom and human rights with their blood, sweat and tears. Ethiopia’s best and brightest have been persecuted, prosecuted, jailed, brutalized and silenced. At the top of the list are Birtukan Midekssa, Eskinder Nega, Andualem Aragie, Reeyot Alemu, Bekele Gerba, Abubekar Ahmed, Woubshet Taye, Olbana Lelisa, Ahmedin Jebel, Ahmed Mustafa, Temesgen Desalegn, the late Yenesew Gebre and countless others. I regard “Semayawi Party Movement” to be an organizational mechanism to articulate the dreams and ideals of Ethiopia’s young people about the country they want to build for themselves and pass on to the next generation. I urged all to be silent no more and to take a stand with Semayawi Party Movement.

Ethiopia’s youth: Rise like lions and cheetahs after slumber and build your “Beloved Ethiopia”

The dominant theme in the Year of Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation was to never, never give up on their dream of inventing their own “Beloved Ethiopia” — free from ignorance, ethnic hatred, communal strife and gender inequality. I say it has been a great year for Ethiopia’s Cheetahs; but their work is not done yet. They have a long hard walk ahead of them. They must pass through perilous valleys, climb craggy mountains and cross raging rivers before they get to their destination. I urge them to keep on walking courageously. I urge them to take comfort in the poetic words of Percy Bysshe Shelley who stood up for those young people engaged in peaceful nonviolent protest in 1819 facing the heavily armed cavalry of the corrupt, brutal and vicious British tyrants:
…
Let a vast assembly be,
And with great solemnity
Declare with measured words, that ye
Are, as God has made ye, free!
…
And if then the tyrants dare,
Let them ride among you there,
Slash, and stab, and maim and hew,
What they like, that let them do.
…
With folded arms and steady eyes,
And little fear, and less surprise,
Look upon them as they slay
Till their rage has died away.
…
Rise like Lions after slumber
In unvanquishable number,
Shake your chains to earth like dew
Which in sleep had fallen on you-
Ye are many — they are few
…

Ethiopia’s youth: Rise like lions! Rise like Cheetahs!

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.

Previous commentaries by the author are available at:

• http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

• www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/

Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:

• http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic 

• http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24 

The accidental journalist, refugee, tourist, or the all-in-one spy?

The Free Press in Ethiopia can’t be free until the drifters, apologists and want-to-be journalists and Medias are put out of commission. It’s about time Ethiopians draw the line between the real things and those masquerading as journalist and free press to deceive the public.

by Teshome Debalke

The once celebrated ‘journalist’ and editor of Awramba Times, Dawit Kebede  sought political asylum in the USA a few years back an d abandon his protection and return home to the same regime a few month ago he gave refugee status a whole different meaning.

When the accidental journalist, refugee, tourist and alleged spy took a daylight flight out of Addis Ababa Airport a few years ago to seek protection from a regime known for its atrocious treatment of journalists something wasn’t kosher. But, when he return back; after enjoying the privilege and throwing jabs on his compatriots he broke his sworn journalistic duty and became a gossip peddler with an extended tourist visa.

No one knows how he managed to secure a passport, exist visa and a ticket from the same regime he flee claiming to fear for his life. But, to retune to the same regime that allowed him to resume his work and interview a high ranking government official within weeks of his return not only insult journalism profession but the people that paid the price for it. It was like watching ‘Alice in the wonderland’ episode that can qualify for Grammy nomination for the best acting and directing.

Absurd as it may sound; his official excuse to return home was to be closer on the ground where the struggle for freedom from the same tyranny he fled. When that wasn’t enough, the ‘prize wining journalist’ that fled his country not only welcomed with open arms but granted him permission to interview with Shemle Kemal, the Deputy Communication Affair Minster known for his duplicity telling him the none existence of journalists in Woyane prison.

No one knows how he managed to dupe the sponsoring organization – the Committee to Protect Journalist (CPJ) or whether he falsified his fear of persecution to the US Immigration Naturalization Service (INS) to be granted asylum. Nor, what he told INS the reasons he surrendering his asylum status or what passport he used to travel home. Whatever the case may be and however he managed to elude the CPJ or INS to come and go, the case is ‘under review’, according spokesperson for INS.

Call him the accidental refugee, tourist, spy, or all-in-one journalist the action of Dawit Kebde of Awramba Times illustrate what is wrong with ‘journalists’ and the free press in the lawless Woyane ruled Ethiopia as well as exported in the Diaspora by cadres and apologist of the ruling regime.

To his credit, Dawit Kebede was one of the celebrated Ethiopian journalists that defy Woyane tyranny and the hope of reforming the sorry state of the free press.

Something must have gone wrong since his colleague and fellow journalist arrest on off-the-wall terrorism charge.

Whatever it may be, his round trip escape from a political refugee-tourist journalist back to where he started– with bizarre behavior in between including, playing the ethnic card along the way seems to turn the once promising champion of the free press to join the club of gossip peddlers and apologist of the regime that have been contaminating the cyberspace for far too long.

It was indeed another sad day for the free press when one more promising Ethiopian falls in the Hall-of-Shame as many did before him. Add his strange behavior and staged interview with the shameless Deputy Minster of Government Communication Affair the prize winning journalist showed borderline insanity.

The important issue isn’t what one renegade ‘journalist’ or Media did or didn’t do but the state of the free press in general and the behavior of want-to-be journalist. The time has come for independent Media monitoring group to evaluate the behavior of journalist and the activities of Medias as many self respecting countries do.

Ethiopia ranks at the bottom of every measure on Free Press. Freedom House categorizes it as ‘difficult situation’, according its 2013 Press Freedom Index. For sure, the whole truth is more than what a foreign organizations’ index can tell. The fact the entire ‘free press’ in Ethiopia fallen victim of cadres of Woyane’s run lookalikes — masquerading as free presses isn’t secret.

Before every lone ranger propagandist or want-to-be journalist and Media that put up a website and name it some fancy name or another raise hell, it is important to explore the State of the Free Press and what is expected of journalists or Medias.

Free Press is a serious business. It is not to entertain a second rated ethnic tyranny or some interest group or another but, to get to the truth in public interest.  If anyone is allergic to the truth it is wise to look for other occupation than recycling propaganda posed journalist or Free Press. Another thing many want-to-be journalists miss in their cut-and –paste exercise of recycling propaganda or gossip is they forget pampering tyranny is unforgivable crime against the people.

The primary job of journalist and Free Press is to go after the ruling regime, particularly unelected tyranny like Woyane of Ethiopia.  Beyond that, corporations and civic institutions or powerful individuals that have direct or indirect impact against the wellbeing and interest of the public are targets of any self-respecting journalist and free press.  In that regard, there are plenty of those roaming the streets of the country.

In today’s Ethiopia, pick any Media or journalist that operates within the country randomly noting resubliming Free Press or no one that does journalism work exists. The little opportunity that opened up for independent journalist to operate free press in the past was replaced by counterfeits — recycling the ruling regime’s propaganda in the name of the Free Press.   Another habit these handicapped want-to-be journalists developed in a make-believe world they created is interviewing the regime’s officials and apologist with predetermined questions to desensitize the public makes them journalists or free press.

Furthermore, when we look dipper in the propaganda businesses, we find the Government Communication Affair Minster (the former Ministry of Information). The Ministry that was under the leadership of Birket Simon single handedly the sole decider of the fate of journalists and the free press for 22 long years of Woyane’s rule and counting.  In that capacity, the government runs Medias, including the Ethiopian  News Agency, the Ethiopian Television and Radio stations distribute propaganda from top down.

When it comes to spreading propaganda for international wire service Walta Information Center owned by ruling party Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) masquerading as private news agency does superb job.

Further down the chain of distribution are TPLF owned shortwave Radio Fana, masquerading as ‘private’ broadcasts the same propaganda 24/7 in local languages throughout the nation.

In addition, a few FM radio stations in selected cities and a dozen or so print Medias controlled by TPLF’s cadres and apologist blanket the country — saturating the Media market by TPLF’s propoganda.

Therefore, At present, there is no a single independent news agency and mass Media in the entire country of Ethiopia.  As depressing as it may sound in the 21century, the fact there are ‘journalists’ or Medias willing to cover up the reality — disguised as journalist and free press is where the problem of the free press begin and must end.

Why the living- dead ‘journalists’ or Media do it?

It is not a mystery the nature of tyranny is incompatible with the free press. If there is any self-respecting journalist that doesn’t understand that reality and participate in recycles propaganda, he or she might as well declare they are the living-dead and get it over with.

There is nothing wrong recycling propaganda and fiction per say. But pretending to be independent journalist and free press isn’t only an insult to the profession but a crime against the public. The question is why would they want to fake what they are not?  In another words, why would ‘journalists’ sugarcoat propaganda or fiction and want to pass it as truth?

The answer for above question would sort out the bottom feeders from the real thing in the journey to freedom and democracy from tyranny.

Therefore, unlike many believe the enemy of freedom and democracy isn’t tyranny alone but the appologist of tyranny, particularly the living dead journalist running Medias masquerading as free press.

What can be done about journalists and Medias that recycle propaganda?

First, it isn’t an easy work to recycle propaganda as truth. It requires reducing oneself to the bottom of the pits to sort out rubbish and present it as kosher. It also takes a psychological make up to believe such corruption is a worthwhile venture. Therefore, people that do it often feel ashamed of themselves to conceal their identity. If they come out in public they always have to put on an act at all times.

Continuous public exposure for their misbehaviors is a known remedy to put them out of their miserable existnace.

The ESAT Factor

The ‘clash of civilization’ between tyranny and democracy begins and ends with the Free Press like ESAT. Those that don’t understand ESAT aren’t prepared for the democratic struggle or are part of tyranny’s network against the people’s interest. Therefore, undermining the Free Press like ESAT is misplaced and comes from the usual suspects.

The establishment of ESAT, the first independent public Mass-Media in the history of Ethiopia changed the landscape of Free Press and the behavior of journalist as we know it.  ESAT not only blew wide-open the hiding places of tyranny and Medias; masquerading as the free press but set the standard of how the Ethiopian Free Press should function and how independent journalists should behave — underlining public interest comes first than anything else.

Unlike some wanted us to believe, ESAT is an institution not an individual journalist, editor or manager.  Like everything first expectation is high and criticism is plenty. But, institution building takes time, resources and trial-and-error to get it right in changing old mindsets and beliefs of expectations of the importance of public interest over individuals and groups interest.

What is the public interest?

Often we miss the forest for the tree when we argue the public interest verses individuals or groups interest. Unfortunately, the survival of tyranny depends on it.

Institution like ESAT is a public institution. Therefore, whether we like it or not we have to respect and support the public’s right to know about everything. Public interest can’t and should not be secondary to individual and groups’ interest period.

The role of ESAT is to fulfill the public right to know what the ruling tyranny or anyone else that compromise or conspire against the public. Therefore, anyone that split hair to undermine ESAT is either ignorant of what a free press is all about or no less tyrannical than the ruling Woyane regime itself.

Thus, instead of making too much noise over minor errors ESAT may or mayn’t make, we should argue over what else the public need to know about the ruling regime and other interest groups that are working against the public interest behind the people’s back.

What we need is not arguing over ESAT but more public institutions like ESAT that defend the right of the public in many social, political and economic rights from all forms of abuse of the public interests.

The rest of the side shows aren’t in the public interest and don’t help to bring about the people’s government sooner than later.  As the struggle to rid of the ethnic tyranny goes on, it is important to be reminded the public interest is the driving force of the struggle noting more or less.

As I said before, ESAT is the best thing that happened to Ethiopians since the Adwa victory. Anyone or group that can’t see that reality must have other agenda or don’t understand the public interest from self-interest.

That said, there are many things I can suggest to improve ESAT. But, talk is cheap, and when I am ready to back up my talk with the resources needed to do it I will say so. I suggest every Ethiopian should do the same. For those that hate ESAT, including the Woyane regime and its apologists, I can only say whatever your alternative may be it wouldn’t worth a penny on a dollar. Recycling rubbish may buy you time but it will stink you out of existence, save yourself.