An aide to Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi has apologised after she failed to inform politicians holding talks with the president that they were live on air, allowing viewers to watch them cook up plans to sabotage a dam in Ethiopia.
"Due to the importance of the topic it was decided at the last minute to air the meeting live. I forgot to inform the participants about the changes," presidential aide for political affairs Pakinam El-Sharkawi said.
"I apologise for any embarrassment caused to the political leaders," she said on Twitter.
The talks, chaired by Morsi, revolved around a report of a tripartite Egypt-Sudan-Ethiopia commission on Ethiopia's decision to divert the Blue Nile for a massive dam project, sparking fears of a major impact on downstream states Egypt and Sudan.
Seated around a large table, the politicians thinking this was a closed meeting began to suggest ideas for ways to stop the dam project.
Ayman Nour, head of the liberal Ghad Party, suggested spreading rumours that Egypt was buying military planes in order to put "pressure" on Ethiopia, he said.
He also suggested Cairo send political, intelligence and military teams to Addis Ababa because "we need to intervene in their domestic affairs."
He slammed Sudan's stance as "disgusting" for not standing by Egypt in stronger terms.
Yunis Makhyun, who heads the conservative Islamist Nur Party, said the dam constituted a "strategic danger for Egypt", requiring Cairo to support Ethiopian rebels "which would put pressure on the Ethiopian government."
The meeting, a huge embarrassment both for the presidency and the opposition members who attended, caused a storm of ridicule and anger in the media and prompted even those who didn't attend to apologise on behalf of Egyptians.
"Sincere apologies to the people and governments of Ethiopia & Sudan for the irresponsible utterances at the president's "national dialogue"," wrote leading dissident and former UN nuclear watchdog chief Mohamed ElBaradei on Twitter.
"A scandal in front of the world," read the headline of the independent daily Al-Tahrir.
Popular talk show host Reem Magued, who aired parts of the meeting on her show, said: "It's true that we asked for transparency from the government but not like this, not to the point of scandal."
In Addis Ababa, Minister for Water and Energy, Alemayehu Tegenu, said he had not heard about the incident, but insisted that Ethiopia's relationship with Egypt remained "healthy."
"I believe that our relationship will continue in a very healthy way," Alemayehu told AFP.
"We don't believe in military intervention for such peaceful Ethiopian efforts to overcome poverty."
He insisted that water levels would not be affected by the construction of the dam: "Why diversion is a headache for some groups, I am not clear about. Any layman can understand what river diversion means."
Ethiopia has begun diverting the Blue Nile 500 metres (yards) from its natural course to construct a $4.2 billion (3.2 billion euro) hydroelectric project known as Grand Renaissance Dam.
The first phase of construction is expected to be complete in three years, with a capacity of 700 megawatts. Once complete the dam will have a capacity of 6,000 megawatts.
Egypt believes its "historic rights" to the Nile are guaranteed by two treaties from 1929 and 1959 which allow it 87 percent of the Nile's flow and give it veto power over upstream projects.
But a new deal was signed in 2010 by other Nile Basin countries, including Ethiopia, allowing them to work on river projects without Cairo's prior agreement.
Alemayehu insisted Ethiopia is committed to sharing Nile resources with the region.
"Ethiopia's agenda is development, Ethiopia is a country which is fighting against poverty and Ethiopia is a country that is developing with its resources to benefit its people and wants to live with neighbouring countries peacefully, sharing its resources," he said.
Wednesday, June 5, 2013
Voices in Danger: Jailed for 18 years for criticising Ethiopia’s government, journalist Eskinder Nega vows to keep fighting
The Independent has seen a defiant letter smuggled out of jail by a man who pines for democracy
Source: The IndependentAn Ethiopian journalist who was jailed after publishing a series of articles calling for democratic reforms has penned a letter from prison, seen exclusively by The Independent, in which he decries the “human rights crisis” unfolding in Ethiopia and describes the personal toll of facing 18 years behind bars.
The call to action: You can help Eskinder’s case. Please share these stories, his journalism, and his prison letter, as widely as you can through social media. Wherever you are in the world, please raise his case with your elected officials and governmental foreign ministers.
Eskinder Nega, 45, was sentenced last year under a broad 2009 anti-terrorism law which freedom of speech activists, the United Nations and various members of the US congress and European Parliament say effectively ban independent journalism in Ethiopia. At trial, Mr Nega admitted he had criticised the government, but said he had only ever called for peaceful steps towards democratic reforms.
A copy of Mr Nega’s letter, smuggled out of his cell in Addis Ababa’s notorious Kality Prison, was passed to The Independent for publication as part of its Voices in Danger campaign, which is aimed at publicising the plight of jailed, attacked or harassed reporters around the world.
Under the headline “I shall persevere!”, Mr Nega’s letter is a reaction to a ruling handed down by the Ethiopian Supreme Court on 3 May, which rejected his appeal and upheld his 18-year jail sentence. In it, Mr Nega vows to continue his fight for freedom of speech in Ethiopia.
“Individuals can be penalised, made to suffer (oh, how I miss my child) and even killed,” he writes. “But democracy is a destiny of humanity which cannot be averted. It can be delayed but not defeated.”
Mr Nega quotes widely from literary figures such as Keats and Horace in his assessment of Ethiopia’s government, citing Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s analysis of the Stalinist purges of the 1930s, which “tortured you not to force you to reveal a secret, but to collude with you in a fiction.” He writes: “This is also the basic rational of the unfolding human rights crisis in Ethiopia.”
Ethiopia is courted by western governments including Britain, partly because it is seen as a relatively stable nation in the Horn of Africa. But critics say that behind this reputation lies one of the continent’s most repressive regimes when it comes to free journalism.
At least 72 publications, including those for whom Mr Nega worked, have been forced to close under government pressure over the last two decades, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
Educated in the US, Mr Nega has been imprisoned nine times for his journalism. His wife, Serkalem Fasil, was also jailed at one stage for her activities as a newspaper publisher and even gave birth to their son in prison. She once described jail as “a home away from home” for her husband.
In his prison cell letter, he concludes: “I sleep in peace, even if only in the company of lice, behind bars,” he writes in his letter from jail. “The same could not be said of my incarcerators though they sleep in warm beds, next to their wives, in their homes.”
Mr Nega’s calls for freedom of speech echo those voiced on Sunday, when around 10,000 Ethiopians marched through the capital of Addis Ababa in the first large-scale anti-government protests since the disputed 2005 election which ended in street violence that killed 200 people.
Is the anti-corruption crusade for real?
by Hindessa Abdul
Around 60 people have been arrested on suspicion of various charges that can be bundled as corruption. The detention of Melaku Fenta, the Director General of the Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority (ERCA) with the rank of a minister; his powerful deputy, along with a coterie of others, has caught the public by surprise. Businessmen also made part of the five dozen suspects awaiting trial. Notable among them are Ketema Kebede and Mehreteab Abraha, both of whom familiar to the courts and the detention centers. The last time Mihreteab, brother of Seye Abraha, faced the judges he was in the company of his family.
The swift action of the Federal Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission (FEAC) to detain the suspects exposed their ill preparedness. They are still pleading with the courts to give them more time to investigate cases. The courts also have no problem granting their wishes. Judging by what has transpired so far, it is in the tradition of FEAC to first detain and then investigate, putting the cart before the horse. The Country’s constitution is vague as to how detainees can remain in prison pending investigation. It merely says: “no longer than the time strictly required.” How long that “time” is anybody’s guess. While these details may have been mentioned somewhere in the penal code or in other rules, their current application tramples upon the rights of suspects. Furthermore, the number one suspect’s legal entitlement has already been violated. Melaku Fenta is a member of the Addis Ababa City Administration Council, and as such he had immunity from prosecution. For now nobody seems to care.
Current rulers should have taken a page from the “teachings” of their mentor. It seems the “legacy” has not been inherited in its entirety. In 2001 when the late Prime Minister wanted to lock up his rivals, he asked the rubber stamp Parliament to revoke the immunity of several of his brothers-in-arms. The Parliament acted accordingly in a blink of an eye. Weeks later Seye Abraha was in the dock!
The Commission
This is the first high level corruption case that came from the controversial anti-corruption watchdog in over a decade. The last time they hit the headlines when Seye Abraha was put in prison that took six years of his life. For many he was the raison d’être of the FEAC itself.
The rhetoric that FEAC is the result of the Civil Service Reform notwithstanding, the Commission was largely an outcome of the power struggle among the hardcore of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). It was established just a month after the split within the Party’s leadership. The message couldn’t be clearer when the Commissioner was directly appointed by the Prime Minister himself. In March 2001 TPLF splits; May – FEAC established; July – Seye is arrested. Could all that be coincidence?
The business of the State
One of the reasons the public is not sure of the real motives of the FEAC’s latest moves, there are so many officials, civilians and in uniforms alike, who are said to be making huge fortunes out of their official positions. The Indian Ocean Newsletter mentioned scores of ministers as having various business interests. We don’t know if the businesses are fair game or whether they are registered with the FEAC as the law requires.
The Newsletter report published in 2009 listed the business of top government officials who own fleet of lorries, hotels, factories, rental buildings in the posh area of the Capital, import and export businesses, trading in plots of land which is particularly popular among the army top brass. Ethiopia’s ambassador in China Seyom Mesfin, Minister of Information Bereket Simon, Army Chief of Staff Samora Younis, the Federal Police Chief Workineh Gebeyehu, Addisu Legesse, the widow of the late Prime Minister, Azeb Mesfin are among the officials cited in the business hall of fame.
Some officials are even more blunt:
The speaker of the Parliament Abadula Gemeda for example handed over one of his villas to his party the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) saying it will “distract” him from the struggle.
Former Civil Service minister Junedin Sado’s spouse was reported to have been caught taking ETB 50,000 from the Saudi Embassy in Addis Ababa ostensibly to help her build a mosque.
Long time President of the Benishangul Gumuz Regional State Yaregal Aisheshim and every member of his family, even minors, were owners of plots of lands in various parts of the Country including Addis Ababa. Thirteen years at the helm gave him ample time to accumulate wealth that can outlive him. He was getting kickbacks from most constructions in the State that let him launch several business of his own.
A government minister can write a book and asks a businessman to pick up the bill, who dares to say no? When Bereket Simon, the de facto number two person at the time, wanted to bash his nemesis Dr Berhanu Nega, he approached the Ethiopian born Saudi tycoon Sheikh Mohammed Al Amoudi. The billionaire not only paid for the publication of the “memoir” in Kenya, but also threw a lavish party for the launch of the book at the Sheraton Addis.
Does “conflict of interest” have any meaning in Ethiopia or for the anti corruption crusader?
Is this for real
The illegal capital flight out of the country is also staggering. According to a report by Global Financial Integrity, Ethiopia lost close to $12 billion since 2000 to illicit financial outflows. The amount is too huge to ignore. What has FEAC done to curb this scourge?
These are some of the reasons why the Commission will be hard pressed to convince the public that it indeed means business this time around. However, they can also turn this opportunity to win the public’s trust by truly looking into the legitimate concerns of citizens. Otherwise, they will only open the door for more speculation with each arrest.
Around 60 people have been arrested on suspicion of various charges that can be bundled as corruption. The detention of Melaku Fenta, the Director General of the Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority (ERCA) with the rank of a minister; his powerful deputy, along with a coterie of others, has caught the public by surprise. Businessmen also made part of the five dozen suspects awaiting trial. Notable among them are Ketema Kebede and Mehreteab Abraha, both of whom familiar to the courts and the detention centers. The last time Mihreteab, brother of Seye Abraha, faced the judges he was in the company of his family.
The swift action of the Federal Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission (FEAC) to detain the suspects exposed their ill preparedness. They are still pleading with the courts to give them more time to investigate cases. The courts also have no problem granting their wishes. Judging by what has transpired so far, it is in the tradition of FEAC to first detain and then investigate, putting the cart before the horse. The Country’s constitution is vague as to how detainees can remain in prison pending investigation. It merely says: “no longer than the time strictly required.” How long that “time” is anybody’s guess. While these details may have been mentioned somewhere in the penal code or in other rules, their current application tramples upon the rights of suspects. Furthermore, the number one suspect’s legal entitlement has already been violated. Melaku Fenta is a member of the Addis Ababa City Administration Council, and as such he had immunity from prosecution. For now nobody seems to care.
Current rulers should have taken a page from the “teachings” of their mentor. It seems the “legacy” has not been inherited in its entirety. In 2001 when the late Prime Minister wanted to lock up his rivals, he asked the rubber stamp Parliament to revoke the immunity of several of his brothers-in-arms. The Parliament acted accordingly in a blink of an eye. Weeks later Seye Abraha was in the dock!
The Commission
This is the first high level corruption case that came from the controversial anti-corruption watchdog in over a decade. The last time they hit the headlines when Seye Abraha was put in prison that took six years of his life. For many he was the raison d’être of the FEAC itself.
The rhetoric that FEAC is the result of the Civil Service Reform notwithstanding, the Commission was largely an outcome of the power struggle among the hardcore of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). It was established just a month after the split within the Party’s leadership. The message couldn’t be clearer when the Commissioner was directly appointed by the Prime Minister himself. In March 2001 TPLF splits; May – FEAC established; July – Seye is arrested. Could all that be coincidence?
The business of the State
One of the reasons the public is not sure of the real motives of the FEAC’s latest moves, there are so many officials, civilians and in uniforms alike, who are said to be making huge fortunes out of their official positions. The Indian Ocean Newsletter mentioned scores of ministers as having various business interests. We don’t know if the businesses are fair game or whether they are registered with the FEAC as the law requires.
The Newsletter report published in 2009 listed the business of top government officials who own fleet of lorries, hotels, factories, rental buildings in the posh area of the Capital, import and export businesses, trading in plots of land which is particularly popular among the army top brass. Ethiopia’s ambassador in China Seyom Mesfin, Minister of Information Bereket Simon, Army Chief of Staff Samora Younis, the Federal Police Chief Workineh Gebeyehu, Addisu Legesse, the widow of the late Prime Minister, Azeb Mesfin are among the officials cited in the business hall of fame.
Some officials are even more blunt:
The speaker of the Parliament Abadula Gemeda for example handed over one of his villas to his party the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) saying it will “distract” him from the struggle.
Former Civil Service minister Junedin Sado’s spouse was reported to have been caught taking ETB 50,000 from the Saudi Embassy in Addis Ababa ostensibly to help her build a mosque.
Long time President of the Benishangul Gumuz Regional State Yaregal Aisheshim and every member of his family, even minors, were owners of plots of lands in various parts of the Country including Addis Ababa. Thirteen years at the helm gave him ample time to accumulate wealth that can outlive him. He was getting kickbacks from most constructions in the State that let him launch several business of his own.
A government minister can write a book and asks a businessman to pick up the bill, who dares to say no? When Bereket Simon, the de facto number two person at the time, wanted to bash his nemesis Dr Berhanu Nega, he approached the Ethiopian born Saudi tycoon Sheikh Mohammed Al Amoudi. The billionaire not only paid for the publication of the “memoir” in Kenya, but also threw a lavish party for the launch of the book at the Sheraton Addis.
Does “conflict of interest” have any meaning in Ethiopia or for the anti corruption crusader?
Is this for real
The illegal capital flight out of the country is also staggering. According to a report by Global Financial Integrity, Ethiopia lost close to $12 billion since 2000 to illicit financial outflows. The amount is too huge to ignore. What has FEAC done to curb this scourge?
These are some of the reasons why the Commission will be hard pressed to convince the public that it indeed means business this time around. However, they can also turn this opportunity to win the public’s trust by truly looking into the legitimate concerns of citizens. Otherwise, they will only open the door for more speculation with each arrest.
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