Sunday, April 7, 2013

Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) Declares to Work with Multi-national Ethiopia


Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) Declares Commitment to Work with Others towards a Democratic, Multi-national Ethiopia:

Is this the Same “New Ethiopia” We in the SMNE Envision?
calling Oromo to work together for one EthiopiaOn March 30, 2013, I had the privilege of watching history in progress while attending the first meeting of the newly formed Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) as an observer. Those involved included most of the founding leaders of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). As they announced their new vision, direction and organization to more than 500 people attending the meeting in St. Paul, Minnesota, I was deeply struck with the vastly different message I was hearing that day—calling Oromo to work together for one Ethiopia—from what I had heard at their 2006 OLF meeting where their secessionist goals and strictly Oromo agenda dominated every aim. I can only think that this transformation has been brought about by a renewed hope among its leadership that the great people of Oromia can contribute to the creation of an Ethiopia for all its precious people.
I believe the ODF, and its new vision, could be part of the answer to the serious division among the Ethiopian opposition groups. This is a good beginning and worth applauding. During the meeting, ODF leadership clearly explained their objectives as advocates not only for the Oromo, but also for the “freedom and justice for all individuals and nations.” They explained that the change in focus was “motivated by the universal principle that struggling for justice for oneself alone without advocating justice for all could ultimately prove futile because ‘“injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”’
I do believe it is legitimate to protect the rights of your own ethnic people; exposing injustices and working towards the resolution ofOromo Democratic Front (ODF) Declares Commitment to Work with Others these grievances, especially in a country where no one speaks on behalf of others; however, we will know we have a much healthier society when we advocate for the rights of others and readily correct wrongs. These others can be from tiny subgroups of people or from large majority groups. They can be fellow members of our society that agree with us or those who dispute our positions. In a free society, those unlike us still deserve respect and equal rights. This is why it was so gratifying to hear Oromo leaders say they will not be speaking only for Oromo, but for everybody; and that from here on, the ODF will be a body that will work with others to bring lasting change to all Ethiopians.
Some in the audience challenged this new position. One man summed up the opinion of a number of attendees as they sought to better understand the change of direction. The man asked, “For the last 40 years, we’ve been told that Ethiopians in power were colonizers and imperialists and we have been dreaming about having our own country, but now you are saying we can work from within? Why the change the course we have been on?”
One of the leaders, Mr. Leenco Lata, respectfully explained, “I cannot preach what is unachievable. It cannot work in Ethiopia. If Oromia was to become a country, the entire region would be in chaos. Oromia is everywhere. What are you going to do with Gambella, Southern Nations and Benishangul?
It will be best to fix the country from within so we all have a democratic country in which to live. The Oromo don’t have to think likeObang Metho with Oromo Democratic Front we are a victim or act like we are a minority. We are not a minority but a majority. We will not forget the historical chapter, but we have to start a new chapter where we work together with everybody to create an Ethiopia for everybody.”
Mr. Leenco explained to the audience that all Oromo might not be convinced of the need to change directions, but that the leadership planned on talking with those holding different opinions in order to hopefully convince them to come on board. If convinced, they could go forward to start reaching out to other Ethiopian groups with the goal of coming together so all stakeholders could be party to formulating a plan that would work for everyone.
Another leader Mr. Dima, explained that in the previous Ethiopia, as well as under the TPLF/EPRDF, one group defined the direction of the country for everyone else and that this was wrong. He called the EPRDF a façade because although it is a large group of people that pretended to be for everyone, others outside the TPLF were never consulted. He said that Ethiopians should not make the same mistake, but instead must reach out to stakeholders so all could be involved in forming a plan as to how to bring about a more democratic Ethiopia for everybody. He emphasized the need to gain the consensus of the people to form a movement from within the country—not from a neighboring or other country—which would bring the heart of the struggle to Ethiopia so that change could come from within.
Following the presentation, I came forward to give a response during the question and answer period. I enthusiastically complimented the leadership who were presenting this new direction as well as the way the entire discussion was conducted. The leadership and the public had shown real respect towards each other even as questions were asked, positions challenged and explanations given. It was very encouraging. I wish I could have understood the language, (Afaan Oromo/Oromiffa) but thankfully, I found an Oromo brother from Melbourne, Australia who translated the entire discussion for me.
I told them what began there in this room as a dialogue should be demonstrated in action by talking with others. Other groups should follow suit—regional groups, women, religious groups and youth representing diverse groups. The time to start talking is long overdue no one should wait for an invitation. Be the one to start the conversation. For example, even though I was invited to this meeting; even without an invitation I still would have come had it been possible because this was such an important meeting. Its outcome would affect me as an Ethiopian. I called on them to think out of the box; realizing no one has to stay in their ethnic enclaves. I encouraged them to not wait for an invitation to enter the discussion.
I suggested, “The next step would be to have a workshop—a national level dialogue—where representatives from different groups could carry on a dialogue. Those speaking from the podium should share the same stage. Let the people have a debate where disagreements can be respectfully voiced, like what just took place at this meeting. This is something the SMNE and others willing to work in collaboration, like the ODF, can pursue.”
As the ODF leaders continue to meet with others to explain their new direction, they are well aware that there may be skeptics among the public or those among the Oromo who do not agree with them; however, as this new vision is practically enacted, it can become a model for other ethnic-based groups, also struggling for freedom and justice, who might be willing to join together if they had a voice.
When this happens, a New Ethiopia for all Ethiopians will be the mindset of a country that, with God’s help, will mobilize an inclusive peoples’ movement. This also means that ethnic-based groups will become civic groups rather than political parties, competing for dominance against other ethnic groups.
Freedom and justice can never be accomplished through one ethnic group, even a large one. Neither can it be achieved through multiple factions working on their own goals, independent of others. Instead, meaningful change will require the improved collaboration between the many diverse groups seeking an inclusive democratic state. Even though we are diverse people, we Ethiopians have more in common than our differences. Not only do we share the land, we share the same blood through our ancestors who have lived in this land for millenniums. The diversity of Ethiopians in terms of ethnicity, culture, language, history, religion and language is what I call the garden of Ethiopia and what we hold in common is a desire for one healthy family of Ethiopians.
THE TPLF/EPRDF and other narrow-minded, ethnic-centered politicians have tried to overlook the value of all the people of Ethiopia, whether intentionally, for their own self-interests, or because they feared there was no future for them unless they were in power; however the world is changing. People are able to come together in ways never before possible. Improved technology and communication help, but collaboration, undergirded with respect towards others, brings about a better outcome, greater harmony and more sustainable relationships.
The TPLF/EPRDF’s whole system of ethnic-based hegemony cannot survive when groups such as the ODF refuse to play by those rules any longer. The TPLF/EPRDF’s apartheid model is dependent on division, suspicion and tribal competition and it will take a blow as the Oromo, Amhara, Ogadeni and other Ethiopians begin to advocate for the rights of the other. The people of Gambella as well as the people of Afar are said to be holding dialogues within their own communities regarding similar initiatives to advocate for the rights and inclusion of all Ethiopians, including the minorities and marginalized. This is a movement of thought and it now includes many in the Ethiopian religious communities.
Diverse religious groups have been the target of regime control for years, but now there are strong indicators that the TPLF/EPRDF’s control is faltering. Muslims are joining together with Christians to find a way to work together for the common good. This includes freedom of religion and expression for all Ethiopians. Civic organizations are also trying to create bonds with each other to advance shared goals. These developments should be a strong sign to regime power-holders that change is coming. The TPLF/EPRDF supporters are indeed on the wrong side unless they join with others in the transformation of Ethiopia into a “genuinely democratic multinational federation” that the ODF is talking about.
This new ODF initiative is what was envisioned four years ago when the SMNE was established. Our history of having an Ethiopia for only one or a few tribes—while all the rest struggle—must be ended. The only Ethiopia that will bring sustainable peace and prosperity is one where the humanity of each and every person, regardless of any differences, is not only valued, but also cared for, nurtured and protected. One’s own freedom, justice and empowerment are only sustainable when the same is given to others for “no one is free until all are free.”
The widespread application of these principles will make Ethiopia a home rather than the prison described by the ODF that makes us hunger for personal and collective freedom. Lasting change requires much dialogue, acknowledging the grievances of other people, the restoration of justice, the empowerment of our citizens at every level and reconciliation. Our goal is not to defeat, crush or root out the enemy as was said during the Dergue, but we must work to find ways to transform our country.
Through such dialogue we can talk about why the majority of various ethnic groups will not end up having their particular language as one of the national languages of the country because we have over 80 different languages. In the case of the Oromo language, it makes strong sense that it becomes a second national language because forty million of our people speak it. English may become another of its languages. There are examples of some countries functioning well with more than one language, like Canada or Switzerland; however, it is important to keep in mind that language is meant to be an instrument to advance communication. Through dialogue we can find ways to figure this all out, including how to bring new inclusion to the minorities and to the marginalized—like Ethiopian women, the disabled, the uneducated and others whose voices must be included.
With respectful dialogue, we can find workable solutions to our differences and grievances rather than dividing the country or seeing other people as our enemies. This is the time to talk to each other rather than talking about each other. In the last 20 years the only thing we have done, which was also advanced by the TPLF/EPRDF, was for some Oromo to talk about the Amhara and what they have done and for some Amhara to talk about the Oromo, decrying them as refusing to let go of what Menelik had done to them. In other cases, some Ethiopians do not openly say it, but they discriminate against some they do not consider to be “real Ethiopians” by not giving them opportunity. The people of the Omo Valley are good examples of that discrimination. Fortunately, more of us are realizing that there is no 99% Ethiopian; but instead that every one of us is fully Ethiopian.
We also must realize that there is no ethnic group that cannot claim being oppressed at some time; however, the name “Ethiopia” and the flag of Ethiopia have never oppressed the people. It has been the few elite in power and the dictatorial systems they set up which have oppressed us. There is no “us” and “them” in this land for we are one people. There is no need to separate the country when we can solve our differences through a genuine dialogue. The ODF are now promising to do this.
From the very beginning, the SMNE has always sought to work with anyone and any group who honestly was willing to advance the betterment of humanity rather than using these principles disingenuously while holding onto a hidden agenda. As the ODF begins to advocate for all Ethiopians, they are “putting humanity before ethnicity” and endorsing the belief that sustainable freedom will never come to the Oromo until it comes to all Ethiopians. I enthusiastically commend them on a job well done and look forward to the fruit of this contribution. We in the SMNE will do whatever we can to work with them and hope that others, including the TPLF, will come to the realization that this is the only way forward that gives us all a future.
To accomplish these goals, we must acknowledge the historical past with its injustice towards different groups of people, but we must also look forward to building a better future. We should also be willing to give up something for a bigger cause.
There is a price to be paid for a better future. It will cost us something which may include forgiveness, humility, compromise, and putting behind us some of our past grievances.
The Ethiopia we have now is not good for anyone; for example: the unemployment, the locking up of Oromo and many others, the displacement of the people like the Amhara and others from their land, the outflow of Ethiopian women to the Middle East as maids, the lack of a future with hope in Ethiopia which should make us think about why we are choosing to work as factions rather than together. We must ask why we are settling for so little when we could collaborate by doing our share rather than giving the burden to only a few. Together we could create a better country—more unified than divided, more livable than inhospitable and more caring about others than selfish about our own interests.

22 Years On: The Caravan Still Rolls On

 
By Destaw Andargie (Dr.) ∗
It will soon be twenty-two years since TPLF seized power in Ethiopia. Over these long and torturous years, TPLF faced no serious external challenge whatsoever. It has been in absolute command. Its rule has never come under threat. Even during its worst internal crisis back in 2001, the issue was all about which faction would emerge the winner. It was still all about TPLF- the sole star in the political theatre. Indeed, despite dubious and useless rumors about infighting within TPLF, all objective indications suggest that TPLF will continue to dictate the country for the foreseeable future. The demise of its longtime leader notwithstanding, TPLF is as assured of its hegemony as ever. After 22 years of absolute domination, many are only hoping (against hope) for TPLF to commit suicide. The extent to which people are moved by the deceptive rumors that TPLF is fracturing proves nothing but the prevailing level of defeatism. After all these years and everything that has happened; all the talk from the opposition camp (as with citizens) is still about what the TPLF does and does not, as if action was the natural monopoly of the TPLF. After twenty-two years, we still continue to talk about how divisive and tyrannical TPLF is. Obviously, such defeatist talks neither make news nor change anything. Yet, we continue down that path either because blaming TPLF for everything (including our own weaknesses) has transformed into a sort of addiction or just because it makes us feel somewhat good about ourselves for it relieves us from asking ourselves tougher questions. We seem to enjoy blaming TPLF for everything, and never to ask ourselves. And, of course, TPLF loves that, for talk is cheap and will never alter the status quo.
After twenty-two long years, we have no political group with any realistic chance of knocking TPLF down now or at any point in the foreseeable future. The grim reality is that it is not obvious if the opposition is in a better shape now than it was ten or twenty years ago or will be in a better shape after ten or twenty years. So much is the magnitude of the opposition’s failure. This is a truly remarkable achievement for TPLF-one that any dictatorship would dream of. What remains to ask is this: why has TPLF been so successful? If TPLF is such a tiny minority with deeply unpopular political agenda, how do we fathom its extraordinary success? Where are the overwhelming majority of Ethiopians-those who claim to hold a burning love and patriotism for their mother land? What attributes does TPLF possess that the opposition does not? These are simple but momentous questions anyone who really cares about Ethiopian politics must ask. In what follows, I will engage these questions and put forward my views. My views may sound harsh on the opposition, but I have long been convinced that TPLF may not be more responsible for our troubles than we are. TPLF is doing what it is supposed to do, while the same cannot be said about the opposition. Importantly, blaming TPLF has never solved, and will never solve anything. If we really care and want to see change in Ethiopian politics, it is an imperative for us to ask what we can do, for neither TPLF nor anybody else in the world will do the job for us. Why? Because change is fundamentally against their interest. Quite the contrary, TPLF and global powers will do everything they can to preserve the status quo. It is entirely up to those who crave change to bring about change; as it has always been the case throughout history. Now, let me turn to my first question: why has TPLF been so successful? And what lessons for the opposition?
Success is NOT given, it’s earned!
Unarguably, it is not the law of nature, a stroke of luck or mythical destiny that put TPLF at the helm. It is down to verifiable universal attributes of success that TPLF possesses (and the opposition sorely lacks). It is high time for the political opposition to come to terms with reality. The harsh reality is that TPLF has superior standing and vitality than probably any political group in Ethiopia. Whatever else TPLF leaders are, they have proven to have a clear political project; that they work around the clock and thus are masterly in executing their project; that they are apt in making their case; that they are highly organized, disciplined and tenacious (almost 40 years old, still as rock solid as ever); pragmatically confident; cunning and skillful (which unfortunately matter immensely in the game of real politics); and crucially, that they are unwaveringly committed to the cause they fought for! Whether their cause is good or bad is an entirely different question, but they have a cause and they fought and continue to fight for it. It would be an exercise in futility to try to find these attributes in the opposition camp.
1. Clarity of purpose
As secretive and sophisticated TPLF leaders are, they are also unabashed in declaring what they believe in (however obscene that may be), what they stand for, what they plan to do, and they do it; action being their other admirable quality. For anyone who cares, TPLF’s political agenda, strategy, tactics, and almost everything else, were known even before they came to the helm of power. That is why accusations that TPLF is deconstructionist, or hates this of that people, or is divisive, or is anti-free media, and the like become annoyingly boring-something that neither makes news nor solves anything. It makes no news because that is what they told us they would do from the very beginning. Look at the following statements:
The country will have to be a federation …We can no longer have Amhara domination…
EPRP…have become just another version of the Derg. They favour Amhara domination. We don’t think we can cooperate with them…We are often very unhappy with the Amhara chauvinist line we hear on…the Voice of America…It sometimes sounds more like the “Voice of the Amhara” than the Voice of America…
These are statements of the late Meles Zenawi, made in his conversation with Paul Heinz, the American intelligence officer back in 1990. They reveal how they were prepared to deal with what they call Amhara dominated Ethiopia. It reveals their apprehension of any media that they have no control over (hence the VOA) and of any political party whose birth they have not midwifed. TPLF has never concealed its deconstructionist political agenda. Its hegemonic strategy has never been disguised. When it masterminded the creation of the other ‘coalition’ members (so-called PDOs-), one after another, simply to give the appearance (at least to the outside world) of an ethnically balanced representation, it was obvious that they would not be equal partners. While the created can never claim equality with its creator, TPLF made it clear from the very beginning that there would be no room for rival political groups, and that its doors are completely shut against the idea of national reconciliation. Standing in 1990, you could tell almost everything they would do for the next twenty-two years and beyond. As the above statements indicate, TPLF had a clear political project, and they have been executing just that. They never promised to protect Ethiopia’s territorial integrity; they never professed love for the mother land; they never promised to respect and protect individual freedoms, and you cannot break what you haven’t promised. What is rather remarkable is that they know their path; they know themselves; they know their ‘enemies’; and they have time-tested skill in dealing with every conceivable threat. Clarity of purpose is the first recipe for success; whether the purpose is wicked or noble is, again, a different question altogether-that falls in the realm of ethics, not of politics.
Clueless opposition
When it comes to the political oppositions, the trouble begins with identifying who is who. That is

የህወሓት/ኢሕአዴግ የዘር ማጽዳትና የዘር ማጥፋት ዘመቻ በአስቸኳይ መቆም አለበት!

የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲ (ኢሕአፓ)
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) (ዴሞክራሲያዊ/Democratic)

Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP Democratic)ዜጎች በሀገራቸው ውስጥ በመረጡት ሥፍራ የመኖር፤ ሠርቶ ሃብት የማፍራት፤ ቤተሰብ የመመሥረት…ወዘተ በማንም ሊሰጣቸው ወይም ሊነፈጋቸው የማይችል ሁለንተናዊ የዜግነት መብቶቻቸው ናቸው። ከቅርብ ዓመታት ወዲህ ግን በዓለማችን የተነሱ የጎሣ እንቅስቃሴዎች ሁለንተናዊ የዜጎችን መብቶች በሚፃረር መልኩ አንድ-ወጥ የሆነ ወይም ከሌሎች ዘር የፀዳ ሀገርና መንግሥት ለመፍጠር ጥረዋል። ዓላማቸውን ሊያሳኩ ባልተቻሉባቸው ኅብረብሄር በሆኑ አገሮች ውስጥ ደግሞ የኤኮኖሚ፤ የፓለቲካና የወታደራዊ ኃይሉን በአንድ ዘር የበላይነት ለመያዝ ሲባል የዘር ማጽዳት ዘመቻ (ኤትንክ ክለዚንግ)ና የዘር ማጥፋት ዘመቻ (ጄኖሳይድ) ወንጀል መፈጸም የተለመደ ክስተት ሆኗል።
በዘጠናዎቹ መጀመሪያ ላይ የምሥራቁ የሶሻሊስት ካብ በተፈረካከሰበትና የሥልጣን ክፍተት በተፈጠረበት ወቅት፤ እነዚህ የጎሣ የወንጀል ቡድኖች በሕዝብ ውስጥ የነበሩ የፍትህ፤ የእኩልነትና የነፃነት ትክክለኛ ጥያቄዎችን በማጣመምና ለራስ እኩይ ዓላማ በማዋልና ሕዝብን በማሳሳት የጎሣ ወታደራዊ ኃይሎችን በማቋቋም አሰቃቂ የዘር ማጽዳትና የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀሎችን ፈጽመዋል። ዓለምአቀፍ የዜና ሽፋን ባገኙት ሀገሮች፤ ለምሳሌ በዩጎዝላቪያ፤ በሩዋንዳ፤ በኮንጎ፤ በሱዳን….ወዘተ ወንጀለኞቹ በዓለምአቀፍ ፍርድ ቤት መፈለጋቸውና አንዳንዶቹም ተይዘው ለፍርድ በመቅረባቸው ዘግናኝ ወንጀላቸውን እንዲያቆሙ ወይም እንዲሰወሩ አድርጓቸዋል። እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ባሉ ሀገሮች ግን ዓለምአቀፍ የመገናኛ ብዙሃን ሽፋን ባለማግኘታቸው ወንጀሉ አሁንም በማንአለብኝነት በሰፊ እየተካሄደ ነው።
በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ይህ ዓይነቱ ወንጀል የተጀመረው የትግራይን ሪፕብሊክ እንመሠርታለን ባሉት እንደ መለሰ ዜናዊና ስብሃት ነጋ በመሳሰሉት በዘር ጥላቻ አባዜ የተለከፋ ግለሰቦች በድርጅቻቸው ውስጥ የበላይነት ከያዙበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ ነበር። መሠረታዊ ማጠንጠኛቸው በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ለነበረው የባላባታዊ ሥርዓት ጭቆናዎች ተጠያቂው የአማራ ሕዝብ ነው የሚል ነው። ለዚህም ነው ለትግራይ ሪፕብሊክ ምሥረታም እንቅፋት ሊሆን የሚችለው አማርኛ ተናጋሪው ነው በማለት በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ፀረ-አማራ ኃይል እንዲፈጥሩና በአማራው ላይ እንዲዘምቱ ያደረጋቸው። አሁንም ከሃያ ሁለት ዓመት አምባገነናዊ አገዛዝ በኋላ የምናየው ይኼው የፀረ-አማራነት ፖሊሲ በተግባር ሲተረጎም ነው። ይህንንም መርዘኛ የህወሓት ፓሊሲ በየቦታው በፈጠሯቸው ተለጣፊ ጅርጅቶችና ባደራጇቸው የጎሣ ወታደራዊ ኃይሎች አማካኝነት የዘር ማጽዳት ዘመቻውን በስፋት ተያይዘውታል።
ከጥቂት ወራት በፊት በጉራፈርዳ ወረዳ የታየው አሁን ደግሞ በቤኔሻጉል-ጉምዝ አካባቢ በሚኖሩ አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ዜጎች ላይ እየተደገመ ነው። ንብረትን ቀምቶ፤ ነፍሰጡርንና አራስን ሳይቀር አፈናቅሎ ማባረርና የድብደባና የግድያ ወንጀሎች በአማራው ሕዝብ ላይ መፈጸሙ ከበፊቱም የነበረውን ፖሊሲያቸውን ተግባራዊ እያደረጉት እንደሆነ የሚያሳይ ነው። ይህ ዓይነቱ ዘግናኝ ወንጀል በተለያዩ ጊዜያትና አካባቢዎች በተለይም በአኝዋኩ፤ በኦጋዴኑ፤ በኦሮሞው፤ በአፋሩ፤ በሙርሲው …ወዘተ ማህበረሰቦች ላይ በአሰቃቂ ሁኔታ ተፈጽሟል፤ አሁንም እየተፈጸመ ነው። ህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ይህንን የዘር ማጽዳትና የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል የሚፈጽመበት ዋናው ምክንያት የፓለቲካ፤ የኤኮኖሚና ወታደራዊ የበላይነቱን ለማስጠበቅ ስለሆነ ለዚህ እኩይ ዓላማው መሳካት እንቅፋት ናቸው ብሎ በሚገምታቸው የኅብረተሰብ ክፍሎች ላይ ወደፊትም ተመሳሳይ ድርጊት ከመፈጸም እንደማይቆጠብ ግልጽ ነው።
ህወሓት/ኢህአዴግና ተላጣፊ ድርጅቶቹ አንድ ኢትዮጵያዊ በኢትዮጵያ ግዛት ውስጥ በመረጠው ቦታ የመኖር፤ የመሥራት በሕጋዊ መንገድ ንብረት የማፍራት፤ ቤተሰብ የመመሥረትና ልጆች የማሳደግ የማይገሰስ የዜግነት ሁለንተናዊ መብቱ እንደሆነና ማንም ፈቃድ ሰጪም ከልካይም ሊሆን እንደማይችል፤ ነፃ ፍርድ ቤቶች ባሉባቸው ሀገሮች በዘር ማጽዳት ወይም በዘር ፍጅት የተሰለፉ ቡድኖችም ሆኑ ግለሰቦች ተከሰው በፍርድ ቤት ቅጣት እንደሚበየንባቸው የተገነዘቡት አይመስልም ወይም ሊቀበሉት አይፈልጉም። የአገር ሉዓላዊነት በሚል ሽፋን ከሕግ ተጠያቂነት ማምለጥ እንደማይቻል ሊገነዘቡት ይገባል። በመሆኑም ማንኛውም ለሀገሩ የሚቆረቆር ኢትዮጵያዊ/ት በሀገራችን ውስጥ እየተካሄደ ያለውን የዘር ማጽዳትና የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል ለዓለም ኅብረተሰብ እንዲያሳውቀና ዓለምአቀፋዊ የዜና ሽፋን እንዲያገኝ ማድረግ ግዴታ አለበት። እንዲሁም በወንጀለኛ ግለሰቦችና ቡድኖች ላይ መረጃዎችን በመሰብሰብ በዓለምአቀፍ ፍርድ ቤት ክስ መመሥረትም መታለፍ የሌለበት ጉዳይ እንደሆነ ልናሳስብ እንወዳለን።
በመጨረሻም ይህን በአደባባይ የሚፈጸመውን የዘር ማጽዳትና የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል ለአንዴና ለሁል ጊዜ ለማስቆም የሚቻለው የፖሊሲው አራማጅ የሆነውን አምባገነን አገዛዝ በተባበረው የሕዝብ ክንድ ድባቅ ሲመታ ብቻ እንደሆነ ነው። አምባገነኑ አገዛዝ በዴሞክራሲያዊ አስተዳደር እስካልተተካ ድረስ ይህ እኩይ ተግባር እየተስፋፋ መቀጠሉ የማይቀር ነው፤ የእያንዳንዱን ኢትዮጵያዊ ቤት የሚያንኳኳበት ጊዜም ሩቅ አይሆንም።