Ethiopia threatens journalist with solitary confinement

April 10, 2013

His Excellency Berhan Hailu
Minister of Justice
P.O. Box 1370
Addis Ababa
Ethiopia

Via facsimile: +251-11-517-755
Via email: justice@telecom.net.et
Dear Minister Birhan Hailu,
We are writing to bring to your attention the case of Ethiopian journalist and teacher Reeyot Alemu, whose health has deteriorated since her imprisonment in June 2011 on terrorism charges and who is now being threatened with solitary confinement. The Ethiopian Ministry of Justice has publicly subscribed to a vision in which “human and democratic rights are respected,” yet Reeyot’s full human rights are being denied to her in Kality Prison.
The Ethiopian High Court sentenced Reeyot, a columnist for the now-defunct independent weekly Feteh, to 14 years in prison on January 2012 under the country’s anti-terrorism law. In August 2012, the Supreme Court acquitted her on two counts, but upheld the charge against her of participation in the promotion or communication of a terrorist act, and reduced her sentence to five years.
Prison authorities have threatened Reeyot with solitary confinement for two months as punishment for alleged bad behavior toward them and threatening to publicize human rights violations by prison guards, according to sources close to the journalist who spoke to the International Women’s Media Foundation on condition of anonymity. CPJ has independently verified the information. Reeyot has also been denied access to adequate medical treatment after she was diagnosed with a tumor in her breast, the sources said.
We would like to draw your attention to the 2011 report by Juan E. Méndez, the United Nations special rapporteur on torture, in which he urged the prohibition of “the imposition of solitary confinement as punishment–either as part of a judicially imposed sentence or a disciplinary measure.” We would also remind you that Ethiopia is a signatory to the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and is legally bound to uphold these principles.
As a current member of the United Nations Human Rights Council and a signatory to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Ethiopia has committed itself to upholding the human rights of all of its citizens. This includes the right to freedom of expression and speech, as well as protection from cruel and inhumane forms of punishment such as solitary confinement.
All of the charges against Reeyot were based on her journalistic activities–emails she had received from pro-opposition discussion groups and reports and photographs she had sent to opposition news sites. Reeyot, who received the International Women’s Media Foundation Courage in Journalism Award in 2012, has covered key developmental issues in Ethiopia such as poverty, democratic opposition, and gender equality.
The prison sentence against Reeyot for performing her duties and exercising her rights as a journalist to ask questions and express opinions calls into question Ethiopia’s commitment to the democratic values and human rights the country claims to uphold.
We urge you to fulfill Ethiopia’s promise to build a humane and democratic state by withdrawing the threat of solitary confinement against Reeyot and ensuring her access to adequate medical care. No journalists should face detention or imprisonment in the exercise of their duty.
Yours sincerely,
Joel Simon
Executive Director
CC List:
Shiferaw Tekle-Mariam, minister of federal affairs of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia
Girma Birru Geda, ambassador of Ethiopia to the United States
Donald Booth, ambassador of the United States to Ethiopia
Lieselore Cyrus, ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to Ethiopia
Greg Dorey, ambassador of the United Kingdom to Ethiopia
Xavier Marcha, head of the European Union Delegation to Ethiopia
Juan E. Méndez, special rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, U.N. Human Rights Council
Claudio Grossman, chairperson, United Nations Committee against Torture
Firmin Edouard Matoko, UNESCO representative to Ethiopia
Pansy Tlakula, special rapporteur on freedom of expression, African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights
Med S.K. Kaggwa, special rapporteur on prisons and conditions of detention, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
Reine Alapini-Gansou, commissioner and special rapporteur of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
Margaret Sekaggya, U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders
Arnold Tsunga, director, Africa Program, International Commission of Jurists
Antoine Bernard, chief executive officer, International Federation for Human Rights
Berhane Melka, head of Federal Prison Administration, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tombet Ariane, head of delegation, International Committee of the Red Cross, Ethiopia
Alana Barton, program manager, International Women’s Media Foundation, United States

The violent, greedy and stupid Apartheid regime only choice is to surrender

                       by Teshome Debalke

The notorious and corrupt ethnic Apartheid regime of Woyane ruling Ethiopia is pushing every button of Ethiopians. If any Ethiopian has iota of doubt that Woyane is anything but a violet, corrupt and stupid regime in cover of Ethnic Federalism and development, they need to get their head checked. The time has come for all Ethiopians with out exception to burry the ethnic Apartheid regime and move on to better alternative sooner than later. Ignorance of that reality or making up off the wall noises to divert the issue isn’t going to be an excuse anymore. It only proves as a desperate attempt to preserve something proven to be rotten or the goodies it provides for those that are willing to stoop at its level.
‘Stupid is as stupid does’ is an expression that demonstrates the action of one’s stupidity. It also extends to one’s imagination in thinking her/his stupidity can outsmart the rest. Such mindset further makes stupidity a virtue for those that live in a bubble of the Apartheid system.
Unlike anytime, Woyane and its entourage of messengers-of-death and corruption are testing the limits of all Ethiopians. Surprisingly, the stooges still couldn’t figure out their stupidity is beyond anything we have seen in modern times; with the exception of a few brutal tyrannies in Africa and the Middle East. Tyranny is its own worst enemy because it congregates stupid people. Then again, tyranny wouldn’t survive without them.
Therefore, it is not unusual for Woyane to assemble violent, corrupt and stupid individuals incapable of rational thinking. It seems, the messengers’ stupidity is getting out of hand and overwhelmed even the top warlord of the ethnic Apartheid regime that unleashes them to terrorize and robe the people with impunity. It appears the warlords are trying to restrain the same messengers of death and corruption they unleashed and used to get Woyane where it is to cause havoc on the population.
The recently reported ethnic cleansing of Amharic speaking Ethiopians from Western and Southern Region and the atrocity inflected on Ethiopians of the Muslim faith are some of the indication the Apartheid regime is running out of option to stay alive. In the name of development and fighting terrorism, Woyane is hoping against hope to cover up its corruption and atrocities to extend its rule one day at a time. It is a tragic reminder of how far Woyane is willing to go to incriminate the people of Tigray it claims to represent just because… it wants to continue its illegitimate rule and corruption in their name.
Few weeks ago, in unprecedented futility to hoodwink the public again, the Woyane ethnic Warlords that pause as Ethiopian People Federal Democratic Republic (EPFDR) completed their latest drama on the party’s ninth general assembly conference.
The circus with the same notorious TPLF’s ethnic warlords and their junior partners dressed up like clowns was an attempt to sell the public the next phase of Woyane’s strategy to lie its way out of its crimes and stay alive. Azeb Mesfin, the widow of the late tyrant Melse Zenawi and known as the queen of corruption was also part of the acting crew defending her late husband and partner in crime that died a destitute man with no bank account in his name, according to her. Was she attempting to make us believe there are some innocent ethnic warlords in the Woyane family or is it a sign some of the warlords going to bit the dust to save face? Regardless, her act was hilarious for those that knew the man as mastermind of Woyane’s corruption, but, for the blind Woyane supporters that are led by a blind man they may see selfless visionary leader to believe her.
When her recital wasn’t enough, the notorious ethnic warlord and President of the so called Tigray Region chastised his junior ethnic warlord; claiming his ‘Region’s development’ is due to good governance of his leadership instead of TPLF’s daylight robbery of the nation in the name of the hostages held in the Region he was appointed to subjugate. Before we know it, the shameless TPLF Warlord is going to say robbing the nation’s resources and collecting donation around the world to damp it in the Tigray Region is the visionary leadership of the late Melse Zenawi’s new Developmental State theory. Let’s face it; the late tyrant was good making his clueless stooges feel good about themselves in believing robbery is development. We must agree he wasn’t an ordinary tyrant we are used to in Africa.
The gathering of the clowns that make and break the law believe they can manufacture a drama and show it on the only television they control and to go on in their business of corruption and atrocity. Sadly to say, it worked before, and the collection of blind stooges and apologists go along with it and pretend they are living a life worth living on the expenses of Ethiopians.
Imagine what the hapless ethnic warlords are telling us. Apparently, they still couldn’t make up their mind who gave them the mandate to rule Ethiopia? They use to say, and still do; Ethiopia is TPLF’s war trophy willing to suck her dry until some one forces them to surrender. Another time, they told us Woyane is an elected government by 99.64% of the popular votes, thus, legitimate regime to rule. When that doesn’t work, they came up with yet another lam excuse; growing the economy by double digit entitles them to rule for eternity. When noting works and desperation set-in; fighting terrorism or bashing their favorite brand enemy, the Amahars comes in handy to justify their criminal rule. When everything is bleak; there are always the ‘extreme Diasporas’ that ‘hate Tigrians’ to cry about.
Fortunately, noting seems to work for the ethnic warlords except terrorizing and robbing Ethiopians in to silence with their death squad. Woyane warlords are like an obsessed man going ballistic for being rejected by a woman he saw and loved insight; terrorizing her to be with him or… else. In politics, that kind obsession to be loved by terror turns in to ugly episode like we see with Woyane’s out of control behavior. Civilized politicians take rejection with a grain of salt and move on to do better next time around, but not Woyane warlords. Instead, they lie to themselves and the public with straight face the entire population loves them and go out terrorizing the people to force love them or… else. It is the ultimate ugliness of uncivilized regime that is willing to kill when rejected by popular demand.
At the meantime, more revelation surfaced to show Woyane’s love for the late Fascist regime than Ethiopian rulers that humiliated it. By jailing patriotic Ethiopian that protested against Fascism that cost us millions of our people’s lives the shameless warlord showed their true color. Not one TPLF warlords came out in protest of Fascism nor Woyane officially or unofficially oppose when Rodolfo Graziani, the butcher of Ethiopia is honored in Italy while warlords goes out of their way to manufacture lies to dishonor legendry Ethiopian leaders and war heroes that buried Fascism for good to inspire the independence movements of the entire Africa and beyond. Nor we have heard anything from Woyane stooges and apologist protesting against honoring the Fascist warlord. The last and only time stooges were protesting was against Egypt for the rights of Ethiopia to use the Nile water in front of the White House in Washington DC. Indecently, the Italian construction company Salini is given an exclusive contract to build the Grand Dam as well as others in partnership with Woyane. Talk about selling the country in a hand basket.
Before we know it, Woyane is going to rewrite history; praising Graziani as a great and visionary leader of Ethiopia that grew the economy by double digit and built roads in the honor of Zenawi Asers, the father of the late tyrant that served Rodolfo Graziani. Better yet, his statue would come in handy on the African Union Headquarter as Woyane gift for Africans. As shameful as it may sound, noting is impossible under Woyane.
This is the newest low for Woyane even its stanch stooges can’t swallow the degenerated behavior of the regime they love to death. Once again, it proved for one and all, Ethiopia has been under the rule of Fascist sympathizers unhappy Ethiopians buried their hero for good.
Can this be the prove needed that would break the back of the collection of Woyane stooges that are hell-bent to defend the ethnic Apartheid and Fascist loving regime tooth and nail? Ethiopians can’t wait to hear from Woyane stooges and apologist that are afraid to come out of their hiding to tell us why their beloved regime flirting with the long buried Fascist regime? Most importantly, why are they associating the people of Tigray with Fascist loving Apartheid regime? More question, no answer.
The good news is Ethiopians from all walks of life are finally coming together to burry the rogue and Fascist sympathizer Woyane regime for good. The sign is on the wall when we see the nervous Woyane stooges running like mad dogs biting every Ethiopian. The Warlords are feeling the pain of the Apartheid system they set up coming to bit them. The apologists; after they buried the ethnic

One country Ethiopia, One Person, One Vote!

by Robele Ababya, 10 April 2013

Expression of solidarity
I do want to express my solidarity with the entire content of the special release by G-7 dated 31 March 2013 under the title “በአማራ ህዝብ ላይ እየተፈጸመ ያለው ግፍ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ላይ እየተፈጸመ ያለው ግፍ አካል ነዉ!” (The tyranny being inflicted on the Amhara people is part of the same being done on the Ethiopian people). I have a duty as a citizen to condemn ongoing tyranny in Ethiopia in the strongest possible terms without fear or favor as long as the EPRDF regime continues with its flagrant violation of universal human rights, inter alia: ethnic cleansing of the Amaras; holding prisoners of conscience most of them Oromos; imprisonment of Muslim leaders demanding for their constitutional rights of electing their leaders.
In the face of tyranny and racism

The 1974 revolution saw racism as detrimental to progress. For example, young men and women of the former Imperial Ethiopian Air Force produced the revolutionary song Tenesa Teramed (Stand up and stride) that was short-lived but a popular revolutionary; it was broadcast all over Ethiopia with the enthusiastic approval of the Derg regime. The rallying song: condemns differences based on race or creed; stresses the need for robust defense establishment; laments the wastage of our rivers and natural resources and; calls for economic development. It was taken of the air by the Derg because it was too nationalistic to the influential ideologists of the time. But the current inhuman tragedy afflicting the Amara people of Ethiopia has vindicated the validity of the song; I am glad that the revival of its spirit is being felt everywhere in the war against tyranny. Ethiopians need to be nationalists with global outlook, as it were act local and think global.
The civil rights movement conceived and spearheaded by Martin Luther King took place and succeeded in a democratic society open to listen to genuine grievances and sympathize with on either legal or moral grounds not to mention the support of political leaders like President John F. Kennedy. The Ethiopian revolution of 1974 was at first peaceful because of the decision of Emperor Haile Selassie not to counter it with force; the Ethiopian election of 2005 held a glimmer of hope of ushering in an era of democracy but was hijacked by the lawless ruling regime of thugs without moral standards or respect for their own constitution. So should one stay put in the face of tyranny and racism? The answer is NO! The only remedial action is to rise up in unison to defeat the EPRDF regime and do so in the spirit of “One country, Ethiopia; one person, one vote!”
Highlights from history pertinent to this piece
The set of values for which wars have been fought and revolutions have been sparked can be derived from history and our own experience garnered up to this age of abundant information. The Age of Enlightenment (1700 – 1800) preceding the French Revolution (1789 – 1799) no doubt provided the forums to debate on social issues, principles and governance best suited to humanity.
“Rousseau, for example, began to question the idea of the divine right of Kings. In The Social Contract, he wrote that the King does not, in fact, receive his power from God, but rather from the general will of the people. This, of course, implies that “the people” can also take away that power! The Enlightenment thinkers also discussed other ideas that are the founding principles of any democracy—the idea of the importance of the individual who can reason for himself, the idea of equality under the law, and the idea of natural rights. The Enlightenment was a period of profound optimism, a sense that with science and reason—and the consequent shedding of old superstitions—human beings and human society would improve.”
I is interesting to note that “The Enlightenment encouraged criticism of the corruption of the monarchy” including King Louis XVI and the aristocracy. “Enlightenment thinkers condemned Rococo art for being immoral and indecent, and called for a new kind of art that would be moral instead of immoral, and teach people right and wrong”. Is the Prime Minister (PM) of Ethiopia listening? Is he prepared to clampdown on endemic corruption and pervasive moral decay on his watch?
I find the EPRDF totally bankrupt in terms of cardinal principles or parameters below, followed by my comments:-

1. “Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains” Jacques Rousseau (1712—1778): This is vindicated by the exodus of Ethiopians seeking refuge and thereby encountering gruesome human sufferings;
2. The all men are created equal assertion by John Adams enshrined in the preamble of the USA Constitution: This a pipedream for the suffering masses of Ethiopia living in serfdom and slavery

How Could a Lasting Peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea be Achieved?

After more than a decade of low-level hostilities and sour relations, there are signs Eritrea and Ethiopia could be ready to talk again.

On the road from Keren, Eritrea. Photograph by Carsten ten Brink.

It has been over a decade since talks regarding the demarcation of Eritrea-Ethiopia border stalled, and relations between the two long-standing nemeses deteriorated into an effective cold war. Although the Eritrea-Ethiopia war officially ended with signing of the Algiers Agreement in 2000, relations are still marked by recrimination, sabre-rattling, and efforts at mutual destabilisation. Although each claims to be against another war, the risk of escalation remains high along their heavily-militarised border. Both sides continue to undermine each other’s stability, from allegedly supporting armed opposition groups to waging a proxy war in Somalia.
At the heart of this crisis is the ruling by the Boundary Commission which was established under the Algiers Agreement, a peace treaty marking the end of two years of hostilities. The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission was tasked with defining the contested border, and both sides agreed to accept its decision. However, having initially welcomed the ruling in April 2002, Ethiopia reversed its position a few months later, displeased that Badme, the flashpoint of the war, had been awarded to Eritrea. Eritrea refused to agree to a new commission and negotiations came to a standstill. Tensions remained high and relations remained sour.
Since then, Ethiopia’s position has softened slightly from its claim that the border judgment was “unjust and illegal”; in 2005, for example, Ethiopia’s foreign minister wrote a letter to the UN Security Council in which he repeated Ethiopia’s earlier acceptance of the decision “in principle” and added that this “does not mean going back to the drawing board”. Eritrea meanwhile has continued to insist that dialogue cannot recommence until Ethiopia unconditionally accepts the border ruling.
This environment of mistrust and stagnation has defined the status quo for the last decade, with prospects of genuine peace seeming far away. Recently, however, there have been hopeful signs that this could be slowly changing with each side expressing greater readiness for talks.
If negotiations do restart, how could a lasting peace between these arch-enemies be achieved?

The flawed Algiers peace process

The first step in answering this question is to examine why the Algiers Agreement failed. On the one hand, there is some truth to the argument that neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea had any real interest in the process to begin with. But at the same time, there was also a multitude of real and complex issues which hindered any possible reconciliation.
First, the Algiers process foundered because it failed to address the root causes of the war. The conflict arose due to myriad historical, political and economic issues, but the peace process treated the conflict as a mere border dispute. By focusing on just the immediate cause of the war, it eschewed the deep political and economic controversies central to the war. This undermined chances of a durable solution from the outset.
Second, this narrow approach was exacerbated by a flawed arbitration process which focussed in on legal matters rather than political disagreements. Legal methods are inherently conservative and inflexible, and the clause of Algiers Agreement which said the boundary decision would be “final and binding” left no leeway for cooperation – instead, it propelled both parties into a zero-sum game.
The arbitration process was also weakened by contradictory rulings by different bodies. Initially, mediation initiatives concurred with Ethiopia’s stance that Eritrea had crossed the international boundary and should withdraw, but the Boundary Commission’s ruling, which awarded Badme to Eritrea, suggested Eritrea had not advanced beyond its borders. This was again complicated by the later ruling by the Claim’s Commission that found Eritrea responsible for igniting the war.

What are the prospects for peace?

Recently, there seem to have been improved prospects for peaceful resolution. The death in August 2012 of Ethiopia’s long-time leader Meles Zenawi – whose personal rivalry with Eritrea’s president Isaias Afewerki stoked hostilities – has raised hopes of a return to the negotiating table. After taking office, Meles’ successor, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, expressed a willingness to travel to Eritrea to talk with Afewerki without preconditions. And in December, Afewerki reportedly requested mediation by Qatar, which previously brokered an agreement to resolve a border dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti in June 2010.
Several other issues could also push both parties to end the low-level conflict. After the Algiers Agreement, both governments sought to settle unfinished scores. In the protracted cold war, however, there was a clear winner and loser. Ethiopia managed to seize the status of regional hegemon, leave Eritrea diplomatically isolated, win the support of major powers such as the US, and get UN sanctions imposed on Eritrea. Eritrea, meanwhile, suffered economically, lost the upper-hand in the legal border battle, and came to be seen as a pariah state, accused of sponsoring regional instability and terrorism. The regime in Asmara is now in a struggle for its own survival. Its military capability is checked, external pressure remains high, its economic situation is dire, and there appears to be simmering domestic dissent as exhibited by several high-level defections and an army mutiny on 21 January, 2013.
This could suggest that Eritrea is more likely to agree to talks, but this is not necessarily the case and there are still many hurdles remaining. Firstly, there is baggage of the past, contrasting political and national interests, and the ongoing rivalry. Secondly, Ethiopia’s strong position could make it less willing to compromise. Thirdly, peace efforts may not even be in Afewerki’s interests. Afewerki’s regime has been subjecting Eritrea to political repression and economic hardships all in the name of defending against Ethiopian annexation. Reconciliation with Ethiopia would undermine this strategy and confront the regime with an array of challenges such as demobilisation, a return to constitutionalism, and a move to democracy – all so far postponed given the alleged existential threats facing the country. For Afewerki, a ‘no war no peace’ status quo might well be preferable to a peace that could cost him his power.

How peace could be achieved?

Firstly, any initiative should uphold the terms and achievements of the Algiers agreement. Although its legal and political instruments have expired, the accord has not been abrogated. Eritrea in particular seems committed to the treaty and upholds its integrity. The agreement continues to provide a framework within which Ethiopia and Eritrea can settle their differences.
Secondly, any peace initiative should go beyond previous negotiations in seeking a comprehensive settlement of the root causes of the conflict – both economic and political. One major contention is land-locked Ethiopia’s claim of a “right of access to sea” either through incorporation of some Eritrean territory along the coast or guaranteed lease of the port of Assab. Previous fears that Ethiopia could claim access to the sea by military force make Eritrea’s insistence that Ethiopia unconditionally respect Eritrea’s territorial sovereignty all the more salient. The lease of Assab to Ethiopia would likely be in Eritrea’s economic interest, but a history of Ethiopian (previously Abyssinian) attempts to annex the country mean mistrust is high. Any peace effort must come up with an intelligent way to address this and other complex issues.
Finally, a sustainable peace process should emphasise long-term reconciliation and cultivate the right environment for the normalisation of relations and possible future cooperation. Alongside formal negotiations, informal channels could also be important in this. Non-official Track II diplomacy involving civil society, community elders, religious leaders and others could provide an effective peace-making mechanism. It has the advantage, amongst other things, of laying the foundation for a more durable peace through broad social reconciliation by dealing with historical-political grievances and the deeper roots of inter-communal conflicts. Unlike more adversarial formal proceedings, it could help thaw hostilities between two governments locked in the pride and prejudice of their kin communities.
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