Monday, February 3, 2014

ህወሓት ከመለስ ጋር አብሮ ተቀብሯል


ከነፃነከነፃነት አድማሱ
ይህ የያዝነው ወርሓ ለካቲት “የህወሓት ልደት የትግራይ ህዝብ ልደት ነው፣ ህወሓት ብቸኛ የትግራይ ህዝብ ነፃ አውጪ ነው፣ የትግራይ ህዝብ ታሪክ ከደደቢት ይጀምራል፣ የህወሓት አላማና ፍላጎት የትግራይ ህዝብ አላማና ፍላጎት ነው፣ የትግራይ ህዝብ ከህወሓት ሌላ አማራጭ የለውም ዙሪያው ሁሉ ገደል ወይም ጠላት ነው፣ በአጠቃላይ የትግራይ ህዝብ ህልውና ከህወሓት ህልውና ጋር የተቆራኘና ድርጅቱ ስልጣን ላይ ሲኖር ትግራይም የምትኖር ድርጅቱ ከጠፋ ወይም ስልጣን ላይ ከሌለ ደግሞ የትግራይ ህዝብም አብሮ የሚጠፋ ነው”……..እያሉ በመስበክ በሰማእታት መቃብር ላይ ቆሞው የውሸት ድራማ የሚሰሩበት፣ በትግራይ ህዝብ ደምና አንጡራ ሃብት ላይ የሚነግዱበት፣ በድምሩ “ጆሮውን ቆርጠው የሰጡት ውሻ ሥጋ የሰጡት ይመስለዋል” እንዲሉ የትግራይ ህዝብ ብሄራዊ ክብሩ፣ ዳር ድንበሩንና ብሄራዊ ጥቅሙን ለባዕድ ሽጠው ሲያበቁ ነፃ አውጥተናሃል!! ልማት አምጥተንልሃል!! እያሉ የሚዘምሩበትና የሚመፃደቁበት የካቲት 11 በዓል እየመጣ ነው። ይህ ዓይነቱ ጭፍን ፕሮፓጋንዳ መርዝ ደግሞ ዛሬ የመጣ ባህል አይደለም። ህወሓት ከተፈጠረበት ቀን አንስቶ እስካሁን ድረስ ለአርባ ዓመታት ያህል ለጀሮ
እስከሚሰለች ድረስ በካድሬዎቹ አማካይነት ነጋ ጠባ በዚያች በተቀደሰች ምድር ትግራይ በአሁኑ በሃያ አንደኛ ክፍለ ዘመን የሚሰበክ የደደቢት የአደንቁረህ ግዛ ፍልስፍና መሆኑን ተራ የገጠር እረኛም ሳይቀር ያውቀዋል።Tigray People Front, TPLF
ይሁን እንጂ ህወሓት ከድርጅትነት ወደ ቡድናዊ አምባ ገነንነት፣ በኋላም ከቡድናዊ አገዛዝ ወደ ፍፁም የቤተሰባዊ መዝርፊያና የማፈኛ የግል ኩባንያ ሆኖ ከተሸጋገረ ወዲህ እኖሆ ዓሰርቱ ዓመታት አስቆጥሯል። በመጨረሻም “ጊዜ ዳኛ ታሪክ ምስክሩ ነውና” ድርጅቱ ከባለቤቱ ከቀድሞ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር መለስ ዜናዊ ጋር አብሮ ግብኣተ መሬት ገብቷል። ላይመለስ አብሮ ተቀብሯል። አሁን ያለው “በድርቆሽ የተሞላ ህይወት የሌለው የቆዳ ግሳንግስ ወደ(ዓርሲ)” ተለውጦ ባንድ በኩል በአቶ ስብሓት ነጋ የ80 ዓመት ጎበዝ አለቃ የሚመራ ሲሆን በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ በኤርትራውያን የሚገፋ አሮጌ ጋሪና በወታደር የሚጠበቅ የደረቀ ሬሳ ሆኖ ቀርቷል” የሚሉ ብዙዎች በሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ናቸው።
ይህ ምን ያህል እውነትነት አለው? አንድ የፓለቲካ ድርጅት ሞቷል ወይም ህይወት የለዉም ሲባልስ ምን ሲሆን ነው? ህወሓት ከበረሃ ጀግንነት ወደ ዱር አራዊትነት የተቀየረበት ጊዜስ መቼ ነው? እውነት የጥቂት ወሮ-በላና ከሃዲ መሪዎች በረሃ የገቡበትን ቀን የታላቁ የትግራይ ህዝብ ልደት ነውን? የትግራይ ህዝብ ከሌላው ሰማንያ ሚሊዮን የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ምን የተለየ ጥቅም ስላገኘ ነው የአንድ መርሲነሪ የፓለቲካ ድርጅት ልደት የህዝቡን ብሄራዊ በዓል ተደርጎ የሚያከብረው? ለመሆኑ የትግላችን ውጤት ነው እየተባለ የሚነገርለት ሕገ መንግስት እውነት ለትግራይ ህዝብ ይመለከተዋልን? የሚሉና ሌሎች ተዛማጅ ጥያቄዎችን እንድንመልስ ግድ ይለናል።
ወደ ዋናው የጥያቄው መልስና አርእስተ ጉዳይ ከመግባቴ በፊት ግን ለአንባቢዎቼና ለነፃ ሚዲያ ደንበኞቼ በአክብሮት የምጠይቀው በዚሁ ፅሑፍ ዙሪያ በመቃወምም ሆነ በመደገፍ ከቂም በቀል፣ ከስሜታዊ አስተሳሰብ፣ ከጭፍን ደጋፊነት፣ በአጠቃላይ የግለ ስብእና፣ የሃሳብ ነፃነትና
ሰብኣዊ መብት በማይጋፋ መልኩ በዋናው ጉዳይ ላይ ያተኰረ ክርክር ወይም ሃሳብ ቢያቀርቡ ለመማማርና በቂ መልስ ለመስጠት ዝግጁ መሆኔን በዚሁ አጋጣሚ ለመግለፅ እወዳለሁ። ፍርሃትን አስወግዶ የህሊና ባርነትን ሰብሮ በመውጣት የሀገርና የህዝብ ወገን ሆኖ መከራከር፣ ለሃቅ መመስከርና በፅናት መቆም ምንኛ ያኰራል!!!
በዘመነ መሳፍንት አንዲት የጎጃም አልቃሽ ““ጎጃሜ ቡዳ ነው ቡዳ ነው ስትሉ ስትሉ አላየህም ወይ ትግሬ እርስ በርስ ሲባሉ” ብላ ተናግራለች” በማለት ከዛሬ አስራ አንድ ዓመት በፊት የህወሓት አመራር ለሁለት ተሰንጥቆ ሲፈረካከስ ያዩ አንድ አዛውንት ያለፉትን የትግራይ ባላባቶችና መሳፍንቶች ታሪክ ከህወሓት ታሪክ ጋር በማነፃፀር እንደዋዛ አጫውተውኝ እንደነበር አስታውሳለሁ። በሌላ መልኩ ደግሞ ስለ ህዝቡ ጀግንነት፣ ጨዋነት፣ ታጋሽነትና አትንኩኝ ባይነት እያስታወሱ የዛሬው ትውልድ ግን ሐሙት የፈሰሰ እንዲሁ ወኔው ተኰላሽቶ መቅረቱ በጣም ያሳዘናቸው መሆኑን በቁጭት ገልፀውልኛል። ነገር ግን በወቅቱ የነገሩኝን ሁሉ ብዙም ልብ አላልኩትም ነበር። በኋላ ግን ስለ ህወሓት የተፃፉ መፃሕፍቶች በተለይም የቀድሞ የህወሓት ታጋይና አታጋይ የነበሩት አቶ አስገደ ገብረ ስላሴ የፃፉትን ጋህዲ በሚል ሶስት ተከታታይ መፃሕፍቶችን ሳነብ “ማየት ማመን ነውና” የትግሉ ባለቤትና የድርጅቱን መስራች የነበሩት ሰዎች እንኳን ሳይቀር የመሰከሩለት ህወሓት ከተፈጠረበት ቀን ጀምሮ እስካሁን ድረስ ተግባሩ ሲመረመር ከላይ አዛውንቱ የነገሩኝ አባባል በትክክል የሚገልፅ መሆኑን ለመረዳት ችያለሁ።
“የህወሓት ታሪክ የርስ በርስ መላላት፣ ህዝብ ለህዝብ የማናቆርና ሀገርን የማፍረስ ታሪክ ነው” ቢባል ከእውነት የራቀ አይደለም። ይህን በሚመለከት ዝርዝሩን ለታሪክ ፃፊዎች ትቼ አንድ ሁለት አብነቶችን ብቻ ልጥቀስ። ህወሓት ከትጥቁ ትግል ዘመን ጀምሮ እስካሁን ድረስ ለ40 ዓመታት ያህል የዘለቀው አንድ ገዢ መፈክር ነበረው። እሱም “ የቻለ ይሩጥ!! ያልቻለ ያዝግም!! ያበቃለት ይለይለት!!? በትግርኛ (ዝኻኣለ ይጉየ! ዘይካኣለ ይሳለ! ዘብቀዐ ይታኣለ) የሚል ነው። ከመፈክሩም ጎን ለጎን በድርጅቱ የኪነት ቡድን የተሰራ ከአቶ መለስ መልክ ጋር የሚመሳሰል ፊት ለፊቱ ደግሞ ጣቱን ወደ ሰዎች ቀስሮ የሚያስፈራራ ሥዕል በየስብሰባውና ታጋዮች ባሉበት ሁሉ የሚለጠፍ ነበር።
ስዕሉ በጋሃድ በአደባባይ መውጣት የጀመረው ደግሞ ልክ እነ ዶ/ር አረጋዊ በርሄና አቶ ግደይ ዘርኣፅዮን ከድርጅቱ ተለይተው ከወጡ በኋላና “ማርክሰ ሌኒስት ሊግ ትግራይ (ማሌሊት)” ከተመሰረተ አንድ ዓመት ባልሞላ ውስጥ ነበር። ስዕሉ ያልተለመደ ነገር ስለነበረ ብዙ ታጋዮችን በተለይም ያልተማሩ የገበሬ ልጆች የሆኑትን ታጋዮች ግራ አጋብቷል። አንዳንድ ቦታም ሌሊት በሳንጃ እየቀደዱ ይጥሉት ነበር። ከጊዜ በኋላ ግን ስዕሉ ተለመደ። የሚገርመው ግን በወቅቱ የድርጅቱን የኪነ ጥበብ አባል ሆኖ ስዕሉን ያቀነባበረ ሳኣሊውንም ጭምር ከጥቂት ወራት በኋላ ድርጅቱን ለቆ በመውጣት ዛሬ በስደት ዓለም በህወይት ይገኛል። ስሙን ያልጠቀስኩበት ምክንያት ደግሞ የሱ ፍቃደኝነት መጠየቅ ስላለብኝ ነው። የመፈክሩ ዋና አላማና ስትራተጂም የሚከተሉትን ሶስት ዋና ዋና ነገሮችን ያቀፈ ነው፡-
1. አንደኛ የአቶ መለስ ዜናዊና የአቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ቡድን ተቀናቃኝ ወይሞ ሞጎደኛ ተብለው የሚጠረጠሩትን ያመራር አባላት፣ ምሁራንና የጦሩ አለቆችን (ይህችን ባቄላ ካደረች አትቆረጠምም) በማለት ቀስ በቀስ የማፅዳት ስልትና ስትራተጂ ነው። ይህንንም ሰሞኑን በኢትዮ- ሚዲያ ድሕረ ገፅ የወጣውን የነ ሙሴ፣ ዶ/ር አታክልት፣ ገሰሰው አየለን ጨምሮ ተኩሉ ሃዋዝ፣ መለስ ካሕሳይ፣ ዶ/ር አረጋዊ በርሄ፣ ግደይ ዘርኣፅዮንና ሌሎች በሽዎች የሚቆጠሩት የድርጅቱን ከፍተኛና መካከለኛ የአመራር አባላትን ያካትታል።
2. ሁለተኛው የመፈክሩ አላማና ስትራተጂ የትግራይ ብሄረተኝነትንና ብሎም የኢትዮጵያዊነት ስሜትን ከትግራይ ምድርና ከህዝቡ አስተሳሰብ ከስረ መሰረቱ በመፋቅና በማጥፋት በምትኩ በትግራይ ብሎም በሀገራችን የኤርትራ ሻዕቢያዊ አመለካከት የበላይነት እንዲይዝ ማረጋገጥ ነው። በዚሁ ዙሪያ በቅድሚያ የተመቱት የድሮ አስተሳሰብ፣ ሀገራዊ ስሜትና እንዲሁም በኤርትራ ጉዳይና በአገር አንድነት ጉዳይ ላይ የከረረ አመለካከት አላቸው ተብለው የሚገመቱትን ባላባቶችንና የሀገር አዛውንቶችን ናቸው። ቀጥሎም የተመቱት የትግራይ መሁራኖች ናቸው። በኤርትራና በሀገር ጉዳይ ዙሪያ የሚከራከሩና ጥያቄ የሚያነሱ ምሁራን እንደ ኤለክትሪክ ይፈሩዋቸው ነበር። በዚህ መሰረት “ሽዋውያን ተጋሩ” የሚል የቅፅል ስም መለጥፍ ብቻ ሳይሆን በዘፈንም ሳይቀር ቅስማቸው እንዲሰበርና አንገታቸው እንዲደፉ ተደርጓል። በዚህ ምክንያት የቻሉትን ከድርጅቱ ሸሽተው እንዲያመልጡ ያልቻሉት ደግሞ ለእስርና ለግድያ ተዳርጓል። በዚህ ምክንያት በሀገር ውስጥም ሆነ በውጭ የሚኖሩ የትግራይ ምሁራን ዛሬም ስለህዝባቸውና ሀገራቸው ጉዳይ ደፍረው ጥያቄ እንዳያነሱ ፍርሃት እንደ ወባ
በሽታ በደማቸው ውስጥ ገብቶ እያዩ እንዳላዩ ዝም እንዲሉ ትልቅ ምክንያት የሆነውን ጠባሳ እስካሁን ድረስ አልሻረም።
ዛሬ በአረና ትግራይ አባላትና ደጋፊዎቻቸው እየደረሰ ያለው ዱላም ከዚሁ የተለየ አይደለም። ለአንድ የአረና አባል ከአምስት በላይ ሰላዮች በመመደብ ኮቲያቸውን እየተከተሉ መውጫና መግቢያ ያሳጧቸዋል። ዛሬ ትግራይ ለነ ስብሓት ነጋና ሌሎች መሪዎች ታማኝ የሆኑትን የኤርትራ ተቃዋሚ ነን የሚሉ ድርጅቶች በነፃነትና በልበ ሙሉነት የሚንቀሳቀሱባት በአንፃሩ ከህዝቡ አብራክ የተፈጠሩ ለነ አረና ትግራይና ሌሎች ሀገር በቀል ድርጅቶች ግን በገዛ ሀገራቸው ተሸማቅቀውና በአደባባይ በዱላ እየተመቱ የሚኖሩባት ምድራዊ ሲኦል ሆና ትገኛለች።
በመሆኑም ዛሬ ሰፊው የትግራይ ህዝብ ባንድ በኩል የትግራይ ሻዕቢያ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የኤርትራ ሻዕቢያ አጣብቅኝ ውስጥ ገብቶ በሁለት አለንጋ እየተገረፈ የሚገኝ ህዝብ ሆኗል። ታዲያ!! ለዘህ ሚስኪን ህዝብ አለሁልህ የሚል ወገን ማን ይሆን?
3. ሶስተኛው የመፈክሩ አላማና ስትራተጂ በህዝቡ የስነ ልቦናና የአካል ጥቃት በማድረስ በተለይም በትግራይ ምድር ፍርሃት፣ ሽብር፣ ጥርጣሬና ህወከት በማንገስና የህዝቡን ሁለንትናዊ አስተሳሰብ በመቆጣጠርና በማደንዘዝ ፀጥ ረጭ ብሎ እንዲገዛና ለጥቂት መሪዎች ዘላለማዊ ስልጣን አገልጋይ ሆኖ እንዲኖር ለማድረግ ነው። በሌላ አነጋገር ትግራይ ወፍ እንኳን ዞር የማይልባት፣ ሌላው ኢትዮጵያዊ በትግራይ ህዝብ ጉዳይ ላይ እንደማያገባው ተደርጎ መፈናፈኛ በማሳጣት በስመ ልማት እንደፈለጉ የሚግጥዋት የህወሓት የጓሮ አትክልት ሆና እንድትኖር ለማድረግ ነው።
ልበ በሉ!! የትግራይ ህዝብ በጦርነት የደቀቀ ህዝብ ነው። ትግራይ ደርግ፣ ኢዲዩ፣ ጀብሃ፣ ሻዕቢያ፣ ኢሕአፓ፣ ህወሓትና ሌሎች ብረት ያነገቡ ሀይሎች የሚንቀሳቀሱባት ለአስራ ሰባት ዓመታት ያህል የጦርነት አውድማ ሆና ቆይታለች። ዛሬም ህዝቡ ከጥይት ጭኾት አልተላቀቀም። በኤርትራና በኢትዮጵያ በሁለቱም ሀገሮች ድንበር ከሩብ ሚሊዮን በላይ ሰራዊት በመሸገበትና በተፋጠጠበት የጦርነት ደመና ስር ሆኖ ዛሬ ነገ ውጊያ ይጀመራል እያለ በፍርሃት ተውጦ የሚገኝ ህዝብ ነው። በዚህም ላይ በየጊዜው ከያሉበት በታጣቂዎች እየታፈኑ ወደ ኤርትራ ተወስደው ደብዛቸው የማይታወቁ ንፁኃን ዜጎች ቁጥራቸው ቀላል አይደለም። በዚሁ ፍርሃት ቀያቸውንና ቤታቸውን እየለቀቁ ወደ ዓረብ ዓለም የሚሻገሩና ወደ ማሀል ሀገር በመሸሽ የኢትዮጵያ ዋና ዋና ከተሞችን በልመና ያጥለቀለቁት የየተኛው አካባቢ እንደሆኑ ማንም ኢትዮጵያዊ ያውቃል። እነዚህ ግጭቶችም እንደ ፓለቲካ መሳሪያና ማስፈራሪያ እየተጠቀሙ “እኛ ከሌለን ያ ሁሉ
ጠላት ይመለሳል፣ ሻዕቢያ ተመልሶ ይውጥሃል፣ ኦነግና ትምክሕተኞች ቂማቸው ይወጡቡሃል፣ የሽብርተኞች ዒላማ ትሆናለህ፣ በትግራይ የተተከሉ ፋብሪካዎች ተነቅለው ወደ ማሃል ሀገር ይወሰዳሉ፣ በትግልህ የቀበርካቸው ጠላቶች ከመቃብር ተነስተው ይመጣሉ፣ ወዘተ እያሉ ነጋ ጠባ ህዝቡን ማሸበርና ማደንቆር የተካኑበት ዋነኛ የአገዛዝ ጥበባቸው ሆኖ ይገኛል።
ወንድሞቼ ሆይ!! ታዲያ እንዲህ ዓይነቱ የቆሸሸ ታሪክ ያለው ድርጅት ዛሬ በትግራይ ህዝብና በተለይም በአረና አባላትና ደጋፊዎቻቸው ላይ የአራዊት ስራ ቢሰራ የሚያስገርም አይደለም። ህዝብን ሁሉ ጊዜ ማታለል የማይቻል መሆኑን ያልገባቸውና ጊዜውም ጥሏቸው እየሄደ መሆኑንም የማይቀበሉ እንደ ሾላ ፍሬ ውስጣቸው የበሰበሱ መሪዎች እስከ ህልፈተ ቀናቸው ድረስ “የደንቆ ልቅሶ መልሶ መላልሶ” እንዲሉ ዛሬም የሚናገሩት ቋንቋና የሚሰሩት ስራ ያው በጫካ የለመዱት ዓይነት ነው። ከላይ የተጠቀሰው የመፈክራቸው አላማና ስትራተጂም በትክክል ሲተረጎም “እምቢ ያለ ሰው ጥይት አጉርሰው” ከሚለው የደርግ ስርዓት መፈክርና ተግባር ጋር አንድ ዓይነት መሆኑን የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ይስቷል ብዬ አልገምትም።
የሚያሳዝነውና የሚያስገርመው ነገር ግን ትግራይን የጥፋትና የመከራ ሞዴል በማድረግ የሚፈፅሙትን ጉድ እንደ ኤይድስ ወረርሽኝ በሽታ ወደ ሌሎቹ ክፍላተ ሀገራትም እየተዛመተ መምጣቱ ነው። በዚሁ ነጥብ ዙሪያ በቀጣዩ ፅሑፌ ተመልሼ እመጣለሁ። ቸር ሰንብቱ።
Dalul2014@gmail.com

Unveiling Lies: EPRDF on Ethiopian Nationalism and Identity


Amsale Getnet Aberra is LL.M student at the University of Washington
Amsale Aberra
I recently came across a summary of a report submitted by the government of Ethiopia to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in the year 2009. The EPRDF as a party to the convention is required to submit periodic reports to the Secretary General to show the steps it has taken not promote racial discrimination and protect citizens from such discrimination and to fulfill its obligations through legislative, judicial, and administrative actions. Thus, the governments, in its report stated that, “[a]n individual’s ethnicity (in Ethiopia) is recognized on the self-identification of such person or his/her origin of birth. A person is entitled to identify himself as having mixed ethnicity or even not to identify himself as belonging to a particular ethnic group and identify himself as an Ethiopian.” [1]
The lies from the EPRDF government was unbearable to me because as millions of Ethiopians, I am a living witness that we, the citizens are not allowed to identify ourselves as simply Ethiopian in our Kebele issued identification cards. I am also a living witness that citizens are not freely able to move to a region where they are an ethnic minority and be able to establish a residence and equally compete with members of the majority ethnic groups to find gainful employment, which is a clear violation of the EPRDF constitution.
If I may briefly mention my own experience with ethnicity in Ethiopia, as someone who was born and raised in the capital city of Ethiopia, I had the opportunity really experience the multicultural Ethiopia at a micro level. Although I spoke Amharic at home and with my neighbor’s children, I knew that in my neighbor’s homes Tigrinya, Afan Oromo,and Sidamo languages were spoken. I can tell my readers clearly now that growing up I, as millions of Ethiopians never knew myself as nothing but an Ethiopian.
However, the day I turned sixteen was the time I went to the kebele to get an ID card and experienced the racial segregation and profiling the EPRDF had in place. I specifically remember when the woman, a government employee asked me for my ethnic group. At first I thought she was asking for my native language and I said “Amharic”. Then she asked “biher” again and I answered Ethiopian. Then she angrily said that she was not asking for my nationality. That was the point I stopped trying to explain myself. She then asked me where my father was born and I told her where that was and that was the day that I was profiled as being a member of a certain ethnic group and was told that my Ethiopian identity was less important for the government who wants to keep on use the “divide and conquer” card as long as possible. (Here I would like to mention that Ethiopia is one of the very few countries in the world where ethnicity classification is displayed in national ID cards. Rwanda was one of such countries and we all know the devastating and irreversible damages such a policy brought into the country)
A few years after the incident mentioned above, I went to a University to study law at one of the government owned universities in one of the ethnically divided regions. According to my identification card, I do not belong to the ethnic majority living where the university is located. I believe in the 5 years that I studied at the law school, I have witnessed over 7 ethnic conflicts among students who were divided merely because they were from “different ethnic groups.” Although I do know that the governments have its hand in such clashes, I also know that some students truly believed that they were different from one another because they were labelled or labelled themselves as different. Unfortunately, I do also know that such conflicts have become the norm in different universities throughout the country.
A couple of years after graduating from law school, I had the opportunity to take a course in peace studies at a University in Europe. Then, the professor asked each of us to draw a flower with five petals. On each petal we were asked us to write our identities and on the circle of the flower we were asked to write our most important identity. Doing such exercise with the class made me look back to the identity that was imposed upon me while living in my country Ethiopia. I realized that according to the EPRDF policy, my or any Ethiopian citizens’ most important identity would be his or her ethnicity. Such a realization to me really brought nothing but sadness. While the rest of the world is embracing unity, nationalism based on one country of citizenship or even an identity of global citizenship, we are still forced to live in the barbaric mindset forcing us into believing that we are different, even though we are all citizens of the same country and are results of an Ethiopian nationalism.
The discrimination and segregation faced by citizens to gain employment and enjoy favorable conditions of work in regions that they are not from is of no secret.in our current Ethiopia. It is also our reality that Ethiopian citizens are being discrimination against because of their actual or perceived affiliation with ethnically based political groups. One of the mechanisms that the government promotes its policy of divide and conquer is subjecting ethnic minorities to its  “villagization” (forced relocation) program which has a clear negative impact of breaking up families, violating their constitutionally guaranteed right to family and their right to an adequate standard of living.
At this point, although I would hate to predict a negative outcome for my country, I am also afraid that the polarization and segregation policies of the EPRDF might lead our country on the road to genocide. I am afraid that in the current Ethiopia children are thought to celebrate their ethnic identities instead of embracing or understanding an Ethiopian nationalism and  these children will soon get to an age where they can understand that being an Ethiopian is not enough to reach one’s potentials in the EPRDF Ethiopia. It is also quite unfortunate that smart and young people like Jewar Mohammed are trying to legitimize their argument of an ethnic identity above anything else mostly based on the past persecution “one’s people had faced.” Although I am not a historian by profession and it is not the purpose of my current piece, I believe reconciliation is the way to go to form a stronger nation, instead of grudge. I believe it is especially true in a country like Ethiopia where inter-racial (ethnic marriages) are practiced which have resulted in the millions of us having parents who came from different regions of the country, speaking different languages and according us multiple “ethnic identities.”
As a concluding remark, I would like to reach out to my fellow country women and men and state my frustration that the government is continuing to cheat its people and the international community into believing that we, the citizens can keep our Ethiopian identity while living in our country. This, as all know is a complete and utter lie in our present day Ethiopia.

[1] UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), Reports submitted by States parties under article 9 of the Convention : International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination : reports of States parties due in 2007 : Ethiopia, 11 March 2009, CERD/C/ETH/7-16, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/4a07ee232.html [accessed 3 January 2014]

Saving Ethiopia From the Chopping Block


by Alemayehu G. Mariam*
Today we come face to face with the evil Meles Zenawi has done when he lived
WE live in a time that gives new meaning to Shakespeare’s line in Julius Caesar: “The evil that men do lives after them…” Today we come face to face with the evil Meles Zenawi has done when he lived. A piece of Ethiopia is retailed once again to the Sudan. They call it “border demarcation.” I call it call it border slicing, dicing and pricing — all for thirty pieces of silver!
In July 2008, I gave an impassioned speech in defense of the territorial integrity of the Ethiopian motherland at a conference called by a North American civic society group known as “Gasha for Ethiopia”:
We are here today to help stop Meles Zenawi from completing his evil plans to dismember our motherland. When Meles gave away the Port of Assab, we remained silent and paid the price of being landlocked. In 1998, Badme was invaded and 80,000 Ethiopians sacrificed their lives and drove back the enemy. But Meles promptly converted Ethiopia’s battlefield victory into total diplomatic defeat by agreeing to deliver Badme to the invaders in arbitration… (Today) we are told by people who live in Western Ethiopia that Meles has delivered their ancestral lands and homes to Sudanese dictator [and fugitive from justice at the International Criminal Court] Omar al-Bashir in a secret agreement…
I deeply regret that six years after I gave that speech, we have not been able to thwart Meles’ evil plans to dismember our motherland. Meles is gone and we now face the evil that lives after him. Is it true that “All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men and women do nothing”? Has evil finally triumphed?
Ethiopia on the Meles Zenawi’s chopping block
In December 2013, Sudanese foreign minister Ali Karti announced that the ruling regimes in Ethiopia and the Sudan “have ended their border disagreement on ‘Fashaga’ area” and “agreed to resolve all their border demarcation disputes.” Karti said the leaders of the two regimes have “signed a historical document putting the final demarcation lines.” Sudan’s foreign ministry rejected any suggestion of “border disputes” between Ethiopia and the Sudan indicating only that there were minor disagreements on “limited points at the border”. The public relations strategy of the regime in Ethiopia over the past weeks has been to been to underplay the “border demarcation issue” and overplay the “enormous significance” of the “strategic framework agreement” which allegedly includes “cooperation agreements on security, economic, agricultural, educational and cultural levels.”
In 2001, the reasons given for the “border demarcation” were quite different. The Sudanese regime at the time explained the demarcation was necessary to “‘develop and integrate’ Al-Qadarif State with Tigray State in northern Ethiopia… The two regions were agriculturally productive, with Al-Qadarif, considered to be the ‘bread basket’ of Sudan… The existing road from Al-Qadarif to Mekele… is being repaired and upgraded… Tigray State would benefit through having better access to the Red Sea, as the road to Al-Qadarif connected to Port Sudan. ‘That makes Port Sudan closer to Mekele than the Eritrean port of Massawa or the Somali port of Berbera…”
In 2008, Meles Zenawi wagged his forked tongue dripping with lies about the “agreement” with the Sudan. In May of that year, his foreign ministry first put out a statement categorically denying any agreement for the transfer of any Ethiopian land to the Sudan. That statement accused alarmist “media” and “irresponsible” elements outside the country for creating fear and panic. Sudanese officials contradicted that statement by  publicly announcing “acquisition of territory” from Ethiopia. By mid-May, Meles and his henchmen could not keep a lid on the secret land transfer deal and began backtracking on their initial story. They said only preliminary work on border demarcation had been done, but nothing had been finalized. Within days, Meles and Co., had invented a brand new lie. They casually admitted to “implementing prior agreements” concluded by the imperial/Derg regimes with the Sudan.
Their lies began to unravel even more when the Ethio-Sudan Border Affairs Committee began to aggressively probe the issue and investigate what was really happening on the ground in the affected border areas. Ethiopians victimized by Meles’ land giveaway to the Sudan began giving interviews to the Voice of America and other international media outlets. The victims complained bitterly that they had been driven out of their ancestral lands by occupying Sudanese forces. Their farm equipment and tools had been confiscated by Sudanese forces and scores of Ethiopians had been arrested and detained in Sudanese jails. At that point, Meles had no choice but to “fess” up and admit that he had indeed signed an agreement with Sudan.
On May 21, 2008 Meles publicly described his agreement with Bashir as follows:
We, Ethiopia and Sudan, have signed an agreement not to displace any single individual from both sides to whom the demarcation benefits…We have given back this land, which was occupied in 1996. This land before 1996 belonged to Sudanese farmers. There is no single individual displaced at the border as it is being reported by some media.”
In November 2008, more conclusive evidence was revealed in a Wikileaks cable. “Former TPLF Central Committee member and former Defense Minister Seeye Abraha told” American embassy officials in Addis Ababa that in a move to deal with “on-going tensions between Ethiopia and Sudan”, Meles had turned over land to the Sudan “which has cost the Amhara region a large chunk of territory” and that Meles’ regime had tried to “sweep the issue under the rug.”
Meles then and his flunkies today insist on keeping that agreement “under the rug”. However, Meles’ 2008 public statement on the “agreement” he “signed” with Bashir reveals some valuable indications. By Meles’ own admission, there is no question that as of May 2008 there existed a formal “signed agreement” between himself  and Bashir which memorialized detailed terms and conditions of the “land giveback”. As to the subject matter of the “agreement”, Meles put on the record a number of important issues. The “agreement” 1) pertains to questions of non-displacement of persons in the giveaway territories; 2) addresses preservation of benefits of all persons affected by the border demarcation;  3) restores ownership rights to Sudanese farmers on land supposedly occupied illegally by Ethiopian farmers; and 4) in its entirety cedes territory (“give back of land”) illegally “occupied” by Ethiopians “in 1996” back to the Sudan.
It is important to understand and underscore the fact that the “agreement” Meles and Bashir “signed”, by Meles’ own description  and admission, has nothing to do with the so-called Gwen line of 1902 (“Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1902” setting the “frontier between the Sudan and Ethiopia”). It also has nothing to do with any other agreements drafted or concluded by the imperial government prior to 1974, or the Derg regime between 1975 and 1991 for border demarcation or settlement. Meles’ “agreement”, by his own admission, deals exclusively with border matters and related issues beginning in 1996, when presumably the occupation of Sudanese land by Ethiopians took place under Meles’ personal watch.
Why do they insist on keeping secret and refuse to make public “agreements” that have given a “large chunk” of Ethiopian territory to the Sudan? 
The whole “border demarcation” canard (hoax) fabricated by Meles and Hailemariam is nothing more than smoke and mirrors. The real deal went down in 2008. There is no question whatsoever that Meles signed, sealed and delivered a “large chunk of territory in the Amhara region” to the Sudan and tried to “sweep the issue under the rug.” In 2014, the marionette prime minster Hailemariam Desalegn is staging another elaborate political theatre to continue Meles’ charade and trying to “sweep the issue under the rug” forever more.
Hailemariam and his puppet masters think they can hoodwink, dupe and bamboozle the Ethiopian public. They think Ethiopians are too dumb and stupid not to see through their smoke and mirrors land giveaway games. They can play their foolish games all they want, but Hailemariam has to answer one question: “Where are the secret “agreement(s)” that have given up a ‘large chunk of territory in the Amhara region’?” Why did Meles in 2008 and Hailemariam and Co., today insist on keeping the secret agreement(s) secret from the public ‘by sweeping them under the rug”?  Why are they not willing to present the “agreements” to the parliament (“Council of Representatives) for ratification as mandated by the Ethiopian Constitution?
The answer is simple: The secret “agreement” Meles talked about in 2008 and Hailemariam babbles about today are not what they are  portrayed it to be. They are all lies. Of course, to say Meles lies is to mention his name,  MeLies. They all lie through their teeth. If Meles’ and Hailemariams’ public statements on their “agreements” truly reflect the words in the written “agreements” they signed with Bashir, what possible harm could come from making the actual “agreements” public? Wouldn’t the actual written “agreement(s)” be the best evidence of the truth or falsehood of Meles’ and Hailemariam’s public statements?
Secrecy is the lifeblood of the ruling regime in Ethiopia. They think by keeping things secret, they have fooled everyone. Meles when he was alive and his lackeys today have such total contempt for the intelligence of the Ethiopian people that they truly believe they can pull the wool over the people without detection or scrutiny. When Meles and his gang delivered the Port of Assab and Badme on a silver platter, few muttered their objections. Meles and his gang learned an important lesson from that: Ethiopia is their private estate and they can do whatever they pleased with Ethiopians or Ethiopian territory with impunity.
Any “agreement” by Meles/Hailemariam to relinquish any part of Western Ethiopian territory to the Sudan is unconstitutional
Back in May 2008, I argued that Meles has no legal authority to hand over Ethiopian land to the Sudan, or for that matter anyone else. Today, Hailemariam also has no legal right or authority to turn over Ethiopian land to the Sudan. Having said that, there is no question that Meles has “signed” an “agreement” to relinquish a “large chunk of territory in the Amhara region” to the Sudan. Hailemariam and his puppet masters are now trying to make us swallow this illegal land transfer by sweet talk of a “strategic framework agreement”. The fact of the matter is that any transfer of Ethiopian land to the Sudan or any other country by the regime in power today is without any legal basis under the Ethiopian Constitution or international law.
The threshold legal question is whether a secretly concluded international agreement in violation of Article 12 of the Ethiopian Constitution can pass constitutional  muster. Meles, while he was alive, and his successors today have defiantly concealed the actual text of  the so-called “agreements” with Bashir  from the general public and the Council of Representatives. Under Article 12 of the Ethiopian Constitution, Meles and his successors have a strict duty of accountability. Article 12 (“Functions and Accountability of Government”) provides, “The activities of government shall be undertaken in a manner which is open and transparent to the public… Any public official or elected representative shall be made accountable for breach of his official duties.” Meles and his successors as “public officials” have an affirmative constitutional duty to perform their duties in an open and transparent manner. Secret deals to hand over a significant slice of the country’s territory without full public disclosure of the terms and conditions and without formal ratification by the Council is a clear violation of Article 12.
The are several core legal questions that arise from the “signing” of the purported “agreements” by Meles and his successor: 1) Whether Meles and/or Hailemariam has independent constitutional authority to sign a binding “agreement” (treaty) on behalf of Ethiopia. 2) Whether any “agreement” by Meles and/or Hailemariam have any legal significance under the Ethiopian Constitution.  3) Whether any “agreement(s)” entered into by Meles and Hailemariam are biding upon a successive legitimate Ethiopian government under international law. 4) Whether any territory seized by the Sudan under any “agreements” signed by Meles and/or Hailemariam could properly be characterized as an “occupied territory” by the Sudan under international law.
Article 51, section (4) of the Ethiopian Constitution specifies that one of the “powers and duties of the Federal government” is to “determine foreign policy and implement the same. [It also] enters into and ratifies international agreements.” The general foreign relations powers of the “federal government” are divided between executive management of the foreign policy field, and ratification of “international agreements” by the parliament. Article 55 (12) specifically reserves as one of the exclusive “powers and duties of the Council of Peoples’ Representatives”, the power to “ratify international agreements signed by the executive branch.”
The land giveaway “agreements” signed by Meles and Hailemariam are in flagrant violation of Article 55(12).  Meles and Hailemariam may negotiate agreements with other governments and even sign them. Their constitutional power is expressly limited to negotiating, drafting and signing international agreements. However, any “agreements” with other governments signed by Meles or Hailemariam are not worth the paper they are written on unless the Council of Representatives ratifies them as required under Article 55 (12).
It is undisputed that both Meles and Hailemariam have not only failed and willfully refused to present the “agreements” with the Sudan for ratification to the Council. They have also defiantly declined to extend the simple courtesy of presenting the “agreements” for parliamentary review and discussion. Failure to present the “agreements” to the Council for ratification is a gross violation of constitutional separation of powers principle and a flagrant interference in the ratification powers of the Council.
Article 86 describes the “principles of foreign relations” the “federal government” (the prime minister and the Council of Peoples’ Representatives) must follow in conducting Ethiopia’s relations with other countries and international entities. Sections 2 and 3 of Article 86 provide that the federal government must follow a foreign policy “based on equality and mutual benefit; ensuring that international agreements entered into, protect the interests of Ethiopia” and further requires “respect [for] international laws and agreements that respect Ethiopian sovereignty and are not contrary to the interests of its peoples.”
It is manifest that the only reason Meles and Hailemariam have chosen to keep the “agreements” they signed with the Sudan secret is because those “agreements” are patently and manifestly offensive to Ethiopian sovereignty. They keep the “agreements” secret because it can be objectively shown that they put Ethiopia at a distinct disadvantage and are completely contrary to the interests of the Ethiopian people. There is absolutely no other reason to keep the agreements secret! Alternatively, they can disclose the secret agreements and disprove my claim that those “agreements” are based on inequality and to the singular disadvantage of Ethiopia.
Article 9 (“Supremacy of the Constitution”) of the Ethiopian Constitution provides that the “Constitution is the supreme law of the land. All laws, customary practices, and decisions made by state organs or public officials inconsistent therewith, shall be null and void… All citizens, state organs, political organizations, other associations and their officials, have the duty to comply with this Constitution and abide by it… Assuming power in any manner other than as provided by this Constitution is prohibited.”
Any “agreement”, “treaty”, “pact” or “deal” with any government concluded by Meles and Hailemariam in violation of Articles 12, 55(12), 86(2)(3) are “null and void”.
Is an agreement “Null and Void” under the Ethiopian Constitution binding on any legitimate successive Ethiopian government and enforceable against Ethiopia under international law?
Article 9 (4) of the Ethiopian Constitution states, “International agreements ratified by [by the Council of Representatives] Ethiopia are an integral part of the law of the land.” What about “international agreements that are not ratified [by the Council of Representatives] by Ethiopia?
One need not be a constitutional scholar to answer this question: International agreements that are not ratified by the Council of Representatives are not worth the paper they are written on! No future legitimate Ethiopian government is bound by “null and void” “agreements”; and under international law, Ethiopia reserves the right to denounce any such agreements and demand removal of Sudanese occupation forces from Ethiopian territory at an international tribunal.
While international law favors effectuation of treaty obligations between states (principle of “pacta sunt servanda” or “agreements must be kept”), it also fully recognizes specific legal grounds for a state to denounce (terminate) or withdraw from an agreement if it can prove the existence of improper or wrongful circumstances at or during  the time of entry into agreement. The Vienna Convention on Treaty Law which governs resolution of treaty disputes provides various grounds for invalidation of treaties. Article 46 (1), (2) (“Invalidity of Treaties”) recognize invalidation of “agreements” that are concluded in violation of the “internal laws” of a state party:
A State may not invoke the fact that its consent to be bound by a treaty has been expressed in violation of a provision of its internal law regarding competence to conclude treaties as invalidating its consent unless that violation was manifest and concerned a rule of its internal law of fundamental importance.
A violation is manifest if it would be objectively evident to any State conducting itself in the matter in accordance with normal practice and in good faith.
Article 49 provides that “if a State has been induced to conclude a treaty by the fraudulent conduct of another negotiating State, the State may invoke the fraud as invalidating its consent to be bound by the treaty.” Article 50 enables a state to invalidate an agreement if the “treaty has been procured through the corruption of its representative directly or indirectly by another negotiating State.” If coercion has been used either against the state or the representative of the state in procuring the agreement, such coercion is a further basis for invalidation of a treaty.
What is incontrovertible about the purported agreements executed by Meles and Hailemariam is that both individuals concluded “agreements” that are “null and void” under the Ethiopian Constitution as demonstrated above. The only remaining  questions are 1) whether the ratification requirement of Article 55 (12) was “objectively manifest” to the Sudanese regime at the time of the signing of the “agreements”;  2) whether there was “corruption”  and “fraud” in the “agreement” process and 3) whether there was conduct that amounted to “coercion” in the negotiation or agreement process.
There is little doubt that the requirement of legislative ratification in Ethiopia was “objectively evident” to Bashir when he signed the “agreements”; and no ratification took place in the Ethiopian Council of representatives as required. Sudan has a legal duty under the Vienna Convention to undertake due diligence in the ratification process of the Ethiopian state. Sudan “conducting itself in the matter in accordance with normal practice and in good faith” would have easily discovered the particular ratification requirement. In light of the total secrecy surrounding the “agreements” and all of the smoke and mirrors gamesmanship, it is reasonable to assume that future investigations into the negotiations and drafting of the purported “agreements” will yield substantial evidence of “corruption, fraud and coercion”.
Other constitutional issues negating the validity of the “agreements” to give away Ethiopian lands to the Sudan
Meles and Hailemariam have also violated the collective rights of the people living in the “large chunk of territory in the Amhara region” that has been given away to the Sudan. The “agreements” effectively invalidate Article 39 (right of nations, nationalities and peoples) of the Ethiopian Constitution by imposing upon the people living in the territory transferred to the Sudan by forcibly separating them from Ethiopia without their consent. Neither Meles nor Hailemariam have the constitutional power to do a land give back” or to bargain away the territory and the nationality of the people living in those areas, or to unilaterally force upon the “nationalities and peoples” in that area an “agreement” over which they have not been consulted or asked to decide in a referendum. Under interntional law, a state has an obligation to consult the inhabitants of a territory before ceding sovereignty over it. No such consultation occurred before Meles and Hailemariam turned over “a large chunk of territory in the Amhara region” to the Sudan.
Moreover, Article 2 of the Ethiopian Constitution  provides that “the territory of Ethiopia shall, as determined by international agreements, comprise of the borders of the member states of the Federation.” This constitutional language implicates a direct role for the “member states” as their internal and external borders are determined and set. It is manifest that Article 2 requires a plebiscite (vote of the people) in the “Amhara region” before the “agreement” with the Sudan could be effectuated by any organ of the Ethiopian “federal” government.
Not all that concerned about an illegal agreement with the Sudan
I am dismayed but not overly concerned about the validity of illegal agreements concluded by Meles &  Hailemariam and Co. There are many known unknowns about the so-called agreements. We know they concluded the “agreements” with cloak and dagger secrecy because they are hiding something big, but what exactly they are hiding is unknown. We know there is corruption in securing the “agreements” but the magnitude and depth of corruption is unknown. We know there is deception in securing the “agreements”, but the slickness of deception is unknown. We know there is fraud in the agreement, but the breadth and scope of the fraud is unknown. We know there are all sorts of shenanigans in the agreements, but the medley of tricks, chicanery and  intrigue is unknown. In time, the secret “agreements” will be laid bare and the truth revealed. For “Truth will not remain forever on the scaffold, nor wrong sit forever on the throne.”
The territorial integrity of Ethiopia is simply and absolutely non-negotiable. Meles Zenawi, Hailemariam Desalegn —  whoever — can pretend to play their game of Ethiopian land giveaway to the Sudan, Saudi or Indian “investors”. The fact of the matter is that they have as much right to give away Ethiopian land as Jesse James and his gang to give away the banks they robbed.
There is an ancient land called Ethiopia that is our motherland. Ethiopia cannot be sliced into “kilils”, diced into “ethnic federalism” or priced into a border “agreement”. When it comes to the territorial integrity of Ethiopia, there is no Oromo Ethiopia, Amhara Ethiopia, Tigre Ethiopia, Gurage Ethiopia… or Gambella Ethiopia. There is simply the people of Ethiopia.  We must unite around the  territorial integrity of the motherland and the indivisibility of the Ethiopian people. We must remain vigilant so that the evil that lurks in the grave remains in the grave. Let no tyrant — tin pot dictator — put asunder what God has put together: One Ethiopia Today. One Ethiopia Tomorrow. One Ethiopia Forever.
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
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