የኤርትራ ጉዳይ በሶስት ትውልዶች ውስጥ

 

የኤርትራው ፕሬዝዳንት አቶ ኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ እንደቀልድ እና እንደ እልህ የጀመሩት ”ኤርትራ ኢትዮጵያዊ አይደለችም” ብሎም ”የኤርትራ ጥያቄ የቅኝ ግዛት ጥያቄ ነው” አጀንዳን የሻብያ አጀንዳ እንዲሆን ካስደረጉ በኃላ ከእሳቸው በፊት የነበረው ትውልድ ባይቀበላቸውም የእሳቸውን ትውልድ ”የኤርትራ ጥያቄ የቅኝ ግዛት ጥያቄ ነው” የሚለውን ገለፃ ለመንገር አላንገራገሩም። አቶ ኢሳያስ በአንድ ጎናቸው ተንቤን ትግራይ ቢወለዱም ያነሷት ጉዳይ ግን ኢትዮጵያን ለማዳከም ለዘመናት ከሚያልሙ አንዳንድ የአረብ ሀገራትም ሆነ ጎረቤት ሱዳንን የሚያማልል ብሎም ዳጎስ ያለ ድጎማ የሚያስገኝ የወቅቱ አዋጪ ”የገበያ ማስታወቅያ” መሆኑን የተረዱት ይመስላሉ።

ቀዳማዊ አፄ ሃይለስላሴ ዩንቨርስቲ በነፃ ትምህርት ዕድል ይማሩ የነበሩት አቶ ኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ ”የኤርትራ ነፃነት ግንባር” (ELF) ከመቀላቀላቸው በፊት በቻይና የፖለቲካ እና የወታደራዊ ስልጠና ለመውሰድ ተጉዘው እንደነበር ተወስቷል። አቶ ኢሳያስ እና ድርጅታቸው ከሰላሳ አመት ውግያ በኃላ ”ሁሉ ነገር ተፈፀመ!” ብለው ተናግረው ሳይጨርሱ ሌላ ጦርነት ”በባድሜ መሬት ሰበብ” እውነታው ግን የምጣኔ ሀብት የበላይነት ለመያዝ ከሕወሓትጋር በነበረ ግፍያ አዲስ ጦርነት ውስጥ ገብተው አስር ሺዎች ሲረግፉ አብረው ከአቶ መለስ ጋር ተዋናይ ሆነው ታዩ። ያ ”የቅኝ ግዛት ጥያቄ” ያሉት ጉዳይ አስመራን ከያዙ በኃላም ጥያቄው ተወሳሰበባቸው።

አቶ ኢሳያስ እና ድርጅታቸው ሻብያ ስልጣን ከያዘ ሃያ ሁለት ዓመታትን አስቆጠረ። በእነኝህ ሃያ ሁለት ዓመታት ውስጥ የኤርትራ ተወላጆችሲነገራቸው የነበረው ”የአፍሪካ ታይዋን ትሆናለች” ትንታኔ ሐሰት መሆኑን ተረዱት። ይልቁን ከአስመራ ዩንቨርስቲ ጀምሮ እስከ ቀድሞ በውሱን አቅም ይሰሩ የነበሩ ድርጅቶችን የገበያ ተወዳዳሪነት አቅም ተዳከመ። በአስር ሺዎች በሱዳን፣በኢትዮጵያ፣በየመን አድርገው ተሰደዱ።ኤርትራ ከዲፕሎማሲ እስከ አካባቢ ሃገራት ድረስ እንድትገለል አደረጉ። የአቶ ኢሳያስ ”የዓለም እይታ ፍልስፍና” የኤርትራ የውጭ ጉዳይ ፖሊሲ ሆነ። እሳቸው አሜሪካንን የሚያዩበት እይታ የግል አስተያየት መሆኑ ቀረና የመንግስት ቃል አቀባይ የሚናገረው ”መዝሙረ-ኤርትራ” ሆኖት አረፈው። አምባገነንነት አስደናቂው እና አዝናኝ ገፅታው ይሄው ነው።መሪው ሲያስነጥሰው ሁሉም ለመሳል ጉሮሮውን ይጠራርጋል።

”የኤርትራ ጥያቄ የቅኝ ግዛት ጥያቄ ነው” የሚለው የአቶ ኢሳያስ ትውልድ ጥያቄ ዛሬም ፈተና ላይ ነው።

አቶ ኢሳያስ እና ትውልዳቸው የወቅቱ ገበያን ስሌት ያደረገው ”የኤርትራ ጥያቄ የቅኝ ግዛት ጥያቄ ነው” አሁን በተነሳው ትውልድ የሚሞገትበት ጊዜ እሩቅ የሚመሰለው ካለ በሃሳቡ የመቀጠል መብቱን አከብራለሁ። ለእኔ ግን ይህ ጥያቄ በእራሱ የሚሞገትበት ጊዜ እንደሚመጣ አስባለሁ። የማኅበራዊ ትምህርት ሳይንስ ለምሳሌ የፖለቲካ ሳይንስ እንደ ኬሚስትሪ እና ባዮሎጂ በቤተ-ሙከራ (ላብራቶሪ) ጥናት ውጤቱን ከወዲሁ ለመወሰን አይቻልም። የሚቻለው ነገር ካለፉት፣አሁን ካለው እና መጪውን ከመተለም አንፃር በምክንያታዊ አቀራረብ ከወዲሁ ሁኔታዎችን መመልከት ነው። ከእዚህ አንፃር የኤርትራ ፖለቲካዊ ጥያቄዎች ሶስተኛው ትውልድ ላይ የወደቀ የእዚህ የሶስተኛው ትውልድ ጥያቄም በእርሱ ታሪካዊ ሂደት የሚፈነዳበት ሁኔታ ይኖራል። የሶስቱ በኤርትራ ጉዳይ የተሳተፉ ትውልዶች ጥያቄዎች እንደዘመናቱ ”የፖለቲካ ገበያ አዋጭነት” እንደ አቶ ኢሳያስ ያሉ ተዋናዮች ተጫውተውበታል። ጥያቄው የሶስተኛውንም ትውልድ ጥያቄ አሁንም ”የፖለቲካ ገበያውን” ተመልክተው ጥያቄውን በመሞረድ የአቶ ኢሳያስ ቡድን ሊመራው ይችላል ወይ? የሚለው ጥያቄ ፈታኝ ነው። መልሱ አይመስልም ነው።

ሶስቱ በኤርትራ ጉዳይ ላይ የነበሩ ትውልዶች

የመጀመርያው ትውልድ

የመጀመርያው ከአቶ ኢሳያስ በፊት የነበሩት የጣልያን እና የእንግሊዝን ቅኝ ግዛት ግፍ የሚያውቁቱ ሲሆኑ ይህ ትውልድ ከ 1900 ጀምሮ እስከ 1960ዎቹ የነበረ ትውልድ ነው። በእዚህ ዘመን ውስጥ ኤርትራ መከራ ፍዳ በቅኝ ገዢዎች ማየቷን በአይን የተመለከቱ፣ የምስራቅ አፍሪካን ብቻ ሳይሆን እንደህልም የሚያልሟት እና የሚወዷት ኢትዮጵያ ክፉ እንዳይነካት እንደ አይን ብሌን  የሚሳሱላት ትውልድ ነበሩ። ይህ ትውልድ በግድም ይሁን በውድ በጣልያን የባንዳ ሰራዊት ውስጥ ገብቶ እስከ ሊብያ እና ኢትዮጵያ የዘመተ ቢሆንም ”ኢትዮጵያ ሀገሬን ቅኝ ገዢ አይዛትም” ብሎ እንደ አብርሃም ደቦጭ እና ሞገስ አስገዶምን አፍርቶ ግራዝያንን ያቆሰለ ትውልድ ነው። የኢጣልያ ስብከት  አላማው እና ግቡን ስለተረዳ ኢትዮጵያ እናት ሀገሬ አይደለችም የሚል አስተሳሰብ ማሰብ በራሱ አለማወቅ ብቻ ሳይሆን እራስን መካድ መሆኑን ጠንቅቆ የተረዳ ትውልድ ነው።

መላከ ሰላም ዲመጥሮስ ገ/ማርያም (ኤርትራ ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር እንድትዋሃድ እጅጉን ከገፉት የመጀመርያው ትውልድ የኤርትራ ተወላጅ)

ጣልያን ኤርትራን በያዘችበት ጊዜ በአስመራ ከተማ ውስጥ

• ለነጮች የተከለሉ ምግብ ቤቶች እንደ አሸን መብዛታቸውን ፣
• ከምሽቱ 11 ጀምሮ አንድም ኤርትራዊ በአስመራ ጎዳና እንዳይዘዋወር (ጣልያን እና ነጮች ብቻ የተፈቀደ ስለነበር) መታገዱን፣
• በአውቶቡስ ውስጥ ሲሄድ ኤርትራውያን ከነጮች ጋር እንዳይቀላቀሉ በመጋረጃ እንዲከለል ተደርጎ እንደ ዕቃ ይሄድ የነበረ መሆኑን፣
• እስላሙ እና ክርስቲያኑ እንዲጋደል የእስላም ቤት ከውጭ የቀይ ምልክት የክርስቲያን ቤት በነጭ ቀለም እንዲቀለም  መድረጉን ወዘተ ያውቃል።

In Ethiopia, more land grabs, more indigenous people pushed out

(csmonitor)In Ethiopia, more land grabs, more indigenous people pushed out A journalist's visit to South Omo, where rights groups say police have raped women and otherwise pressured locals to leave an area tagged to become a huge sugar plantation, was quickly curtailed by authorities. HAILEWUHA VILLAGE, SOUTH OMO, ETHIOPIA As night wore on in a remote valley in southern Ethiopia, one policeman dozed and another watched a DVD comedy on a battery-powered laptop. Close by, in a clutch of thorn trees and grass huts, an ethnic Mursi man tried to explain to outsiders why he is so concerned for his people, who have lived here as semi-nomads for generations but may soon be evicted to make way for a giant sugar plantation. "We Mursi [people] do not accept this ambitious government ideology," the man said of an official state plan to house them in new villages in exchange for their compliant departure. He is speaking in the village of Hailewuha, his face lit by flashlight. Cattle shuffle and grunt nearby. "What we want is to use our own traditional way of cultivation," he says. RECOMMENDED: Think you know Africa? Take our geography quiz. Ethiopian officials say the Mursi, like a growing number of ethnic or tribal groups in Ethiopia, are voluntarily moving out of their ancient lands; human rights groups say this is untrue. The ongoing controversy is not new in Ethiopia, and "land grabs" by governments for lucrative leasing deals have become a story across the continent. For example, in Ethiopia's lush Gambella region, in the western area bordering Sudan, locals have been forcibly relocated to make way for the leasing of farms to foreign firms. This year, the World Bank and British aid agencies were swept into controversy over charges they helped fund the relocation including salary payments to local officials involved in the clearing of land.  The Mursi have lived in Omo for centuries. Partly for this reason they get frequent visits by tourists and anthropologists alike. Tall and elaborately decorated, their scarified bodies are daubed with paint and ornamented by hooped earrings and bicep bangles. But now the Mursi may be those most affected by government operations to overhaul South Omo, an area that officials in Addis Ababa are calling economically and socially backward. The plan would turn this scrub and savanna into about 700 square miles of state-owned sugar plantations that would in turn require building Ethiopia’s largest irrigation project. The water to feed the sugar cane year-round is to come from the Omo river, and is made possible by Gibe III, a partly Chinese-funded hydropower dam that may be completed as early as next year. The cane will be processed at some five local factories. The people of this valley, the Mursi, Bodi, and Karo, some of whom number only a few thousand, would need to reduce their cattle -- their most prized possessions. Then many if not all will move into enlarged permanent villages. Controlling the flow of the river will mean the end of an annual flood that makes fertile a strip of land for crops once the seasonal waters recede. An ongoing attempt to control Mursi traditions now means that at public meetings, state authorities implore the group to end "very bad” cultural practices like stick fighting and their characteristic lip-plates. To be sure, Ethiopian authorities promise new jobs, public services, and plenty of irrigation for every Omo household that agrees to move out. But this is not the view of international human rights groups who claim that Ethiopia is broadly and constantly harming locals as part of an authoritarian model of development. In the most recent salvo, the Oakland Institute accused the state of using killings, beatings, and rapes as methods of forcing South Omo residents to accept the sugar cane projects. The California-based advocacy group also accused Western aid agencies and some US and British officials of covering up evidence of the abuses they heard about on research missions. Instead of investigating claims made by Survival International, Human Rights Watch, and the Oakland Institute, Ethiopian authorities smear them as anti-development. These groups help "drag Ethiopia back to the Stone Age," is how the prime minister's spokesperson, Getachew Reda, recently described Oakland's agenda. "We have a scar from them [critics]," says the chief administrator of South Omo, Molloka Wubneh Toricha, about the activists and journalists who make the 400 mile journey from Addis Ababa to the Kenya-border area, hoping to monitor developments. "They try and blacken our image." Yet in the single nighttime interview the Monitor was able to conduct with the Mursi, the criticism of the rights groups were echoed: "The government uses our ignorance and backwardness to control us,” said the Mursi man. "They force us to do farming…. Those who have been in the bush shall settle together in common village and be brothers. But our leaders do not accept this." It is impossible to verify whether these comments reflect the community's opinion since officials and police prevented further inquiries by reporters in a trip there in August.   While regional officials at first permitted access to the Mursi, a few hours later, the administration backtracked. Reporters on an independent visit were forced to camp next to the Hailewuha police station. A security commander regularly called in on a shortwave radio to check that the journalists were still corralled. Senior regional police arrived the next morning to escort them back to the regional capital, Jinka. Later, apologetic officials in Jinka all had the same explanation: there had been a "misunderstanding."  Yet rather than a genuine mix-up, the obstruction seemed to stem from a basic mistrust of outside eyes and voices. Mr. Molloka said journalists frequently "divert" the views of residents: "This is what burns our hearts," he says, "at public meetings we told all the people not to give information to journalists."