Marxist Ideology and Ethnic Politics Have Destroyed Ethiopia: Are There Ways to Reverse the Damage?
I have the utmost respect for the '60s and '70s generation of the brave Ethiopians that sacrificed immensely for our country. It is the generation that paid one of the heaviest prices for the cause of justice in Ethiopia’s recent history. But unfortunately, it is my view that the ideology that generation adopted, namely Marxism, not only rendered all the sacrifices less than worthwhile, but is in many ways responsible for the current disgraceful state of the country. And this is what I am going to write about in this piece. My aim is not to criticize that generation, as they did all they could under the circumstances, but to reject the ideology by which the generation was heavily influenced. If rebuffing the ideology also implies criticism of the generation, I am ready to take that.
Ideologies have consequences. The bad ones have bad consequences and good ideologies have good consequences for the individuals and societies that adopt them.Marxist ideology was/is bad for Ethiopia for two main reasons: one spiritual and the other secular. The spiritual reason as to why Marxism is/was wrong for Ethiopia is because the ideology has, as its underlying tenets, the denial of God as we know it in the scriptures. For Marxists, religion is the opium of the masses and God is nothing but man’s projection/imagination/wish about his own strength and power. In other words, in a Marxist’s world view, man created God, not the other way round. This was a complete reversal in our society’s value system.
However rudimentary or traditional, Ethiopian society is deeply religious whose morality is based on a supernatural being that not only created the world including human beings, but is also in control of its creation. As the 2007 census indicates, the overwhelming majority of Ethiopian people, about 97%, are followers of the two major world religions: Christianity and Islam. No wonder that an ideology that views the world through a materialist perspective, as Marxism does, is bound to dangerously disrupt a society like Ethiopia which prides itself as a distinct civilization based on thousands of years of tradition, patriotism and religion. It is true that the young generation of the '60s and '70s that was radicalized by Marxist ideology was not actively engaged in atheistic activities. Most even did not seem to be aware of the Godless foundation of the ideology that was shaping their world view in such a powerful and profound way. But the disastrous consequence of the fatal and wrongheaded shift in the society’s foundational values was unmistakably clear right from the beginning. The immediate and direct consequence of the advent of Marxist-Leninist ideology in the country was the red terror, a mindless and horrible bloodshed of the 70s that pit brothers among themselves. Specially, the young and the educated, who would have built the country, were murdered by the tens, if not hundreds of thousands all over Ethiopia. A whole generation was decimated. It looked as if human life suddenly lost value in the country. If one was deemed to be an ‘enemy’, him or her ‘ceases’ to be a human being. Inflicting harm on him/her, including killing, becomes an acceptable, even a moral duty for the other side, not an act of murder. The killing was so ‘honorable’ that even the victim ‘approves’ of the act, hence the label that reads ‘let red terror reign on me’ (key shibir yfafambign), which the victim is forced to wear on their chest or back before he/she is killed. I was not old enough to have a personal memory of the carnage, but I can sense the psychological scar left in the country today by that horror which traumatized and shocked the collective conscience of our society, from which, I think, we have not yet fully recovered. The sad thing about the different groups at time, including the Derg (the government that was the perpetrator of the violence) as well as those who oppose it, was not how they were different, but how remarkably similar they were in terms of the ideology that motivated them. The only thing was that one claims to be more (truly) Marxist than the other. Such is the sad story of our country. Of course this is not unexpected from a movement motivated by Marxist Ideology. There is nothing wrong in Marxist philosophy’s intention of improving the human condition, establish equality and end oppression of man by man. But it seems to me that Marxism as an ideology is inherently a contradiction form a spiritual perspective because it claims to retain the value of human beings while denying the existence of God. As a Christian, I believe that the ultimate value of a human being emanates from the fact that we are created in the image of God. Once this basic essence of what it means to be a human being is precluded, no amount of secular values are enough to stop the inevitable decline in the moral worth of human life. I do not want to be too moralizing in my argument. But it may be this inbuilt tendency in Marxist ideology to go away from God that caused Ethiopia to lose its cream generation in one of the most unfortunate and senseless violence. I know some might find this line of argument suspect for the obvious reason. However, whether or not we agree with this way of looking at the matter, one thing is clear: as a result of the tragic events of the 70s which cost the nation one of its dynamic generation at the critical time in its history, Ethiopia became a place where anything is possible, paving the way for the current perilous political situation in the country, which brings me to my second point. The second reason why I think Marxism is/was bad for Ethiopia has to do with the more secular or civic aspects of life. The damage done in this respect is the import of a whole notion of vocabulary that is totally alien to the economic, political and social life of the society. No doubt that injustice, poverty, and oppression have always been, and still are, day today realities of the Ethiopian people’s experience. But looking back, it is not hard to see why leftist ideology was the absolute wrong prescription to solve Ethiopia’s problems. To begin with, the suffering of Ethiopians is directly related to the rulers, who, though utilizing different means, have always had the same objective: staying in power. Haileselaasie used divine justification to rule the country for more than four decades. For Mengistu Hailemariam, the excuse was building socialism in the country while murdering its own citizens. Meles’ (the current regime), on the other hand, has employed the dirty game of ethnic politics to further carry out what the previous government started, only in a more dangerous way. I am saying all this only to make the point that Ethiopia’s problems is rooted in the rulers’ greedy and myopic attitude. This was true in the 60s and 70s as it is now. What was needed for Ethiopia was a gradual transformation of the political culture in a way that preserves Ethiopia’s identity and heritage as a nation. But that was impossible under Marxism due to its tendency to indiscriminately castoff tradition, be it cultural or political, as reactionary. Marxian conceptual frameworks such as class and class struggle, invented in the context of the industrial Europe, would not have been the answer either. They had neither practical relevance for the problem, nor cultural reverberation for the society. Besides, in a poor country like Ethiopia, there is/was not enough wealth to redistribute, something a Marxist economic system ultimately requires. Moreover, Ethiopian political culture, before the introduction of Marxism in the country, or even today, is marred by mutual suspicion, intrigues and lack of democratic tradition as well as institutions. But the Marxist movement that took root in the country in the 60s and 70s, with its emphasis on radical and violent changes, was a recipe for disaster since it exacerbated those damaging tendencies in the society rather than taming and moderating them. The destructive legacies of leftist ideology in Ethiopia still lives with us. One of the most consequential of those legacies is ethnic politics which remains to be the single most important existential threat for the survival of Ethiopia as a nation today. True, there were pockets of limited political movements in Ethiopia that appeared to have ethnic dimension even before Marxism became fashionable in the country, before EPRP was established or even before the student movement. On the other hand, while all the ethnic-based movements in the country did not question their Ethiopian identity, they were, for the most part, particularly the major ones (TPLF, OLF, EPLF), secessionist in character. Furthermore, secessionist or not, the ethnic movements then, as they are now, adhere to the same Marxist ideology just like the multi-ethnic or unity forces. Now, it is important to understand that a Marxist worldview (leftist ideology) has a predisposition to see society in terms of groups, focuses on historical grievances (imagined or real), and tends to inherently radicalize society. All of these features of Marxism are perfectly suitable for those who promote exclusivity and separation, as most, if not all ethnic based movements are. But these same characteristics of a Marxist world view run against the cause of building a united Ethiopia based on justice, democracy and mutual understanding for which the unity forces stood. Here in lies the unfortunate tragedy of our country. The unity forces whose aim was to bring about justice and equality under the umbrella of Ethiopia as a sovereign nation put themselves in an odd and contradictory position by virtue of their ideology. They could not wholeheartedly oppose the ethnic fronts for fear of being labeled as reactionary and out of concern not to jeopardize the ideological solidarity they share with the ethnic movements. By so doing, the young and brave generation of Ethiopians inadvertently fostered the weakening of Ethiopia, which they would not otherwise have done. Just to show the level of idealism of the '60s and '70s, I quote from Walelign Mekonnen, one of the intellectual giants of the student movement, frequently mentioned and admired by ethnic politicians and the unity forces alike. Here is what he wrote in his famous (infamous?) 1969 paper titled “On the Question of Nationalities in Ethiopia”
As long as secession is led by the peasants and workers and believes in its internationalist obligation, it is not only to be supported but also militarily assisted. It is pure backwardness and selfishness to ask a people to be partners in being exploited till you can catch up. We should never dwell on the subject of secession, but whether it is progressive or reactionary. A Socialist Eritrea and Bale would give a great impetus to the revolution in the country and could form an egalitarian and democratic basis for re-unification.Such was the extent of Marxist intoxication prevalent in that generation. Socialism takes primacy to everything else. It is true that many of his contemporaries later (even at the time) distanced themselves from Walelign and his aggressive ideas such as the one quoted above. However, there is no denying the fact that the 60s and 70s generation was so absorbed in the image of a utopian paradise promised by Marxist philosophy. So much so that they could not stop and think what the long term effects of their love affair with Marxist theories would be on their country. If Walelign and others of that era were to rise from their grave today, they would regret how Ethiopia, the country they loved and paid the ultimate price for, is being dismantled using (or abusing?) their ideas by people like Meles Zenawi. Today, there may not be any party or group that openly promotes Marxism as an ideology in Ethiopia. But leftist thinking is more widespread than ever. All the negative features we see in our politics today, the lack of unity, the cynicism, the endless suspicion of others, the tendency to resort to intrigues rather than open and honest discussion, the hopelessly ridiculous level conspiracy mindset are all remnants of the leftist mentality created or encouraged in the 60s and 70s. In an environment where leftist mentality reigns, all one has to do to succeed is to have a lust for power while vowing day and night to stand for the people’s interest. Lies and deception are the main features of a social and political atmosphere dominated by Marxist thinking. Whether we like it or not, evil that is one of the most important reason why an evil force like TPLF thrives in Ethiopia. Despite being a hard-core and Marxist group, TPLF has no problem swearing in the name of free market capitalism and claim to be champion of democracy. But we know from their behavior that they strictly implement a Stalinist style of governance, the worst and most sinister form of Marxist- Leninist Ideology. To be fair for the generation that fell under the spell of a Marxist world view, they had little choice at the time. Marxism seemed inevitable, if not natural, given the global popularity the ideology enjoyed then. But that does not take away from the fact that it was a wrong approach for Ethiopia. In short, with a full benefit of hindsight, one can say that Marxism was not only wrong for Ethiopia then, but it is destroying it now. I hope that generation (whatever is left of it) as well as mine realizes how devastating and wrong leftist ideology is for Ethiopia and reject it completely. What is to be done now? Spiritual Revival: More than anything else, we need spiritual and moral strength to do something about the problem we have in Ethiopia. Challenges like TPLF, who are masters of hatred, skilled in deception and have insatiable lust for power cannot be defeated by political smartness alone. We need a help form God. We need a spiritual transformation in a way that inspires us to stand for truth, justice and human dignity for our country.