ግጭቱን ማን ለኮሰው?

(ከኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ)
ቀኑ ማክሰኞ፣ ጥቅምት 22 1998 ዓ.ም፤ ከጠዋቱ 3፡00 ሰዓት ገደማ… አንድ የከተማ አንበሳ አውቶብስ ተሳፋሪ ሳይጭን ከመርካቶ ተነስቶ ወደ ጎማ ቁጠባ አቅጣጫ በባዶ እየከነፈ ቁልቁል ወርዶ ..ተ/ሃይማኖት ቤ/ክርስቲያን አደባባይን ከዞረ በኋላ ጥግ ይዞ ቆመ። ሹፌሩ አውቶብሱን ገትሮ ወዲያው ከአካባቢው ጠፋ። ለሁለት ሰዓት ገደማ አውቶብሱ እንደተገሸረ ቆየ።…በዚህ ቅፅበት አንዲት ነጭ ቶዮታ ፒካፕ (ታርጋ የሌላት ወይም ያለጠፈች) ከሱማሌ ተራ አቅጣጫ በከፍተኛ ፍጥነት እየከነፈች ከመጣች በኋላ < በላይ ተክሉ ኬክ> ቤትን አለፍ ብላ ቆመች። ከሹፌሩ ጎን ሲቪል የለበሰና ኮፍያ ያጠለቀ ሰው የተቀመጠ ሲሆን ከመኪናው ጋር ከተገጠመው ሬዲዮ መገናኛ በተጨማሪ ሁለት ተንቀሳቃሽ ስልኮችን ይዟል።… 25 ወጠምሻዎች፣ ሁሉም ረዘም- ወፈር ያሉ ዱላዎችን፣ ገሚሶቹ ደግሞ ገጀራ እንደጨበጡ እንዲሁም ከመካከላቸው ሁለቱ አነስተኛ ጀሪካን እንደያዙ…ከመኪናዋ ዘለው ወረዱ። ሁሉም የተቀዳደ ተመሳሳይ ድሪቶ አጥልቀዋል፤ « አደገኛ ቦዘኔ» መሆናቸው ነው። ነገር ግን « ሆን ተብሎ » የተዘጋጀ ድሪቶ እንደሆነ የሚያሳብቀው ….በግልፅ የሚታየው የሁሉም ፈርጣማ ጡንቻ ከጥሩ እንክብካቤ ጋር በስፖርት የዳበረና ወታደራዊ አቋም እንዲይዝ ተደርጎ የተገነባ መሆኑ ነበር።
ከመኪናዋ ዘለው ከወረዱ በኋላ ድምፃቸውን ከፍ በማድረግ « አትነሳም ወይ…አትነሳም ወይ …ወያኔ…ወያኔ..» እያሉ በመጮህ አንበሳ አውቶብሱን ተጠጉ። በያዙት የብረት ዱላና ስለታማ ገጀራ አውቶብሱን እንክትክቱን ካወጡ በኋላ በያዙት ነዳጅ አርከፍክፈው አቃጠሉት፤…ተመሳሳይ ጩኸትና ቅስቀሳ እያሰሙ ሽቅብ ወደ ሲኒማ ራስ አመሩ። ነጯ መኪና ከኋላ ደርሳ ሁሉንም ጫነች…ከዛም ወደፊት በፍጥነት እየካለበች አዲስ ከተማ ት/ቤት አካባቢ ደረሰች። ወጠምሻዎቹ ..የ <አትነሳም ወይ…> ቅስቀሳቸውን ሲቀጥሉ..እግረመንገዳቸውን በቅርብ ርቀት የሚገኘው የቴሌ መ/ቤት ላይ ድንጋይ በመወርወርና ከደጃፍ ቆመው የነበሩ ሁለት መኪኖችን መሰባበር ይዘዋል። ከዚሁ ጐን ለጎን በመ/ቤቱ ግቢ የታጠቁ ፌደራል ፖሊሶች ከድራማው መጀመር ቀደም ብሎ እንዲገቡ ተደርጎ ነበር። ያ ድርጊት ወይም ድራማ ሲፈፀም አይተው እንዳላዩ በማለፍ ቀጣዩን ይጠብቁ እንደነበረ በሰአታት ልዩነት አፈሙዝ በንፁሃን ላይ ሰድረው ይወስዱት የነበረው የጭካኔ እርምጃ በቂ ማመላከቻ ነበር፤ ዘግይቶ የሆነውም ይኸው ነው።..
በሰኔ ወር ግድያ ሲፈፀም በመጀመሪያ ኢላማ የነበረው ይህ ት/ቤት ነበር፤ በዛ ድርጊት ገና ያልሻረ ቁስል አለ። በሌሎች አካባቢዎችና ከተሞች የነበረው የተዳፈነ የተቃውሞ ቁስል ከዚህ የተለየ አልነበረም። በሕወሐት/ኢህአዴግ አስተዳደር የተንገሸገሸው ሕዝብ..እንኳን ቀዳዳ አግኝቶ ቀርቶ እንዲሁም፥ ትንሽ ነገር ቁጣውን እንደሚያገነፍለው ግልፅ ነበር። የተሰረቀ ድምፁን ለማስከበረም በፅኑ ይፈልጋል። ..በዚሁ መሰረት በአዲስ ከተማ ተማሪው ከአካባቢው ህዝብ ጋር በአንድነት ሆኖ ..<በተለኮሰው> ተቃውሞ ውስጥ ሰተት ብሎ ገባበት።..የተዳፈነው የሕዝብ እሳት በተለያዩ አቅጣጫዎች እየተዛመተ ሔደ።…..
ያቺ ነጭ መኪና <ሴራዋን> ከውና በጎጃም በረንዳ በኩል ወደ ግራ ታጥፋ እየከነፈች…አባኮራን ሰፈርን እያሳበረች በዮሃንስ ቤ/ክ አድርጋ ወደ ሰሜን ሆቴል አመራች።.. <ቅልቦቹ> ተመሳሳይ የተቃውሞ ድራማ አቀጣጠሉ። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ መንግስት በቦዘኔነት <ሽፋን> ያሰማራቸው ቅልብ ሃይሎች በኮልፌ ቀራንዮ አካባቢ አሰማርቶ ተመሳሳይ <ድራማ> እያቀጣጠለ ነበር። ..የተቃውሞ እሳት የጫረችው ነጯ ቶዮታ ..የማሳረጊያ ግዳጇን በሰሜን ሆ/ል አካባቢ ከተወጣች በኋላ ወጠምሻዎቹን ጭና ቁልቁል በመውረድ ወደ ማእከላዊ ወንጀል ፖሊስ መምሪያ ቅጥር ግቢ ነበር ሰተት ብላ የገባችው። በዚች መኪና ከፊት ተቀምጦ ትእዛዝ በመስጠትና ከበላይ አለቆቹ ጋር መረጃ ልውውጥ በማድረግ ሴራውን ሲመራና ሲያከናውን የነበረው ግርማይ (በቅፅል ስሙ ማንጁስ) የተባለ የሕወሐት አባልና በፌደራል ፖሊስ ከፍተኛ የደህንነት ሃላፊ እንደሆነ በወቅቱ ማረጋገጥ የተቻለ ሲሆን ከዚህ ባሻገር በአንዱ ስልክ ከጠ/ሚ/ሩ ጋር በቀጥታ ይገናኝ እንደነበረ ተረጋግጦዋል። (በነገርራችን ላይ ስለዚህ ጉዳይ መረጃው ለህዝብ ሳይደርስ ጋዜጦች ወዲያው ተዘጉ)
…ባጠቃላይ በዚህ መልክ በገዢዎቹ ሆነ ተብሎ በተለኮሰው የጥፋት <ሴራ> በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ንፁሃን በአደባባይ በጥይት እንዲቀጠፉ ሲደረግ፣ በ10ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ ደግሞ እስር ቤት ተጋዙ። የነመለስ/በረከት ቀጣዩ <ኢላማ> የቅንጅት አመራሮችንና ደጋፊዎችን፣ጋዜጠኞችን እንዲሁም ሌሎች ወገኖችን ማሰርና ማሰቃየት ስለነበር፥ ያሰቡትን ተግባራዊ አድርገዋል። ከትግራይ ሃውዜን የጀመሩት ህዝብን በጅምላ የማስፈጀት አረመኒያዊ የሴራ ተግባራቸው፥ በአርባባ ጉጉ፣ በበደኖ፣ ትግራይ ሆቴል(ፒያሳ)፣ ጋምቤላ …እያለ በመቀጠል የ97/98 ምርጫን ተራምዶ እነሆ በህዝበ ሙስሊሙና በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ ቀጥሎ ይገኛል። ከቤኒሻንጉል እንዲፈናቀሉ የተደረጉት የአማራ ተወላጆች በተራ የወረዳ ካድሬዎችና ሹሞች ትእዛዝ እንደማይፈፀም በእርግጠኛነት መናገር ይቻላል። ለዚህ ማስረጃው በጋምቤላ አሰቃቂ ፍጅት እንዲደርስ የተደረገው በወቅቱ የፌደራል ጉዳዮች ሹማምንት በነበሩት አባይ ፀሃዬና በምክትላቸው ዶ/ር ገብረአብ ባርናባስ ቀጥተኛ ትእዛዝ ሰጪነት እንደሆነ የተረጋገጠና በወቅቱም የሁለቱ የሕወሐት ሹሞች ስም ጭምር ተጠቅሶ በኢትኦጵ ጋዜጣ ይፋ መደረጉ ነበር። እንዲያውም አባይ ፀሃዬ በግምገማ ላይ ዶ/ር ገ/አብን ጥፋተኛ ከማድረጋቸው በተጨማሪ < አብሬው መስራት አልችልም፤ ስለዚህ በአስቸኳይ ይነሳልኝ> በማለት የጋምቤላውን ፍጅት በዶክተሩ ላይ ከመደፍደፋቸው ባሻፈር ለ/ጠ/ሚሩ ጥያቄ አቅርበው ይኸው ተፈፀሚ ሆኗል። …ይህ በሆነበት ሁኔታ በቤኒሻንጉል በወገኖቻችን ላይ የደረሰውና ሆን ተብሎ እንዲደርስ የተደረገው መሰሪ ተግባር ከሕወሐት/ኢህአዴግ ቱባ ሹማምንት እውቅና ውጭ ብቻ ሳይሆን የነርሱ ቀጥተኛ ትእዝዛ ያለበት እንደሆነ ሊታወቅ ይገባል።
በመጨረሻም ፥ በህዝበ ሙስሊሙ እየተካሄደ ባለው ሰላማዊ የመብት ጥያቄና ተቃውሞ ውስጥ የተስተዋለው ጉዳይ፥ ህዝብ ምን ያክል ገዢዎቹን በአስተሳሰብ በልጦ እንደሄደ የሚያመላክት ጭምር ነው። ይኸውም በአንዋር መስጊድና ሰላማዊ ተቃውሞ በሚሰማባቸው አካባቢዎች አንበሳ አውቶብሶችን ሆን ተብሎ በማቆም ሙስሊሙ እንዲሰብራቸው በገዢዎቹ ሲሞከር ታይቶዋል፤ ገዚዎቹ እንዳቀዱት አውቶብሶቹ ሲሰባበሩ… የ97/98 ድራማ ለመድገምና በለመዱት ጭካኔ በጥይት የጅምላ ግድያቸውን ለመተገበር ነው። የሃይማኖቱ ተከታዮች ግን « አንሰብርም….አንሰብርም…» እየሉ በአንድ ድምፅ የነበረከትን የሴራ ድራማ በማክሸፍ ለመብታቸው መቆምንና ሰላምዊ ጥያቄ ማቅረብን ነው የቀጠሉት። ህዝብ ምን ያክል ቀድሟቸው እንደሄደ ጥሩ ማሳያ ነው።

ኢህአዴግ በኖርዌይ ገንዘብ ማሰባሰብ ተሳነው

 

በስደት አገራቸውን ለቀው የወጡ ሰዎች ያለመሰለል መብት አላቸው። በህግም የተደነገገ ነው። ከለላ የሰጣቸውም አገር ይህንን የመከላከልና የመቃወም ግዳጅም አለበት። ከለላ ያገኙ ስደተኞችም ሆኑ ከለላ እንዲሰጣቸው ያመለከቱ ወገኖች ስለመሰለላቸው ተጨባጭ ማስረጃ ማቅረብ ከቻሉ ህጉን ጠቅሰው የመከራከር መብት አለቸው። ለመብታቸው ሲከራከሩ በመደራጀት ቢሆን ይበልጥ ውጤታማ ሊሆኑ እንደሚችሉ አውሮፓ በስደት ያሉ ቀድሞ የውጪ ጉዳይ የዲያስፖራ ኢንጌጅመንት ዳይሬክቶሬት ዲፓርትመንት ኤክስፐርት ይናገራሉ።

እኚሁ ሰው እንደሚሉት ከ1997 ዓ ም ምርጫ በኋላ በአቶ መለስ ቀጥተኛ ትዕዛዝ የተቋቋመው ይህ ዲፓርትመንት ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩና ለወቅቱ የውጪጉዳይ ሚኒስትር አቶ ስዩም መስፍን ሪፖርት ያቀርብ ነበር። በጁላይ 2003 ስድስት አባላትን በመያዝ የተቋቋመው ዲፓርትመንት “ብዙሃን አድፋጭ” ዲያስፖራ ወይም “silent majority” የሚባሉትን ለመማረክና በስደት ውጪ አገር የሚኖሩትን የተቃዋሚ ድርጅት ዋና ደጋፊዎችንና አመራሮችን የሚከታተል ቻፕተሮች አሉት።

የአገዛዙ ደጋፊ ለሚባሉት ዲያስፖራዎች የቀረጥ ነጻ መብት በመስጠት፣ መሬት በማደል፣ በማህበራት በማደራጀት ቢቻል መታወቂያ በመስጠት፣ “ለአገር ግንባታ ደጋፊ ማድረግ” በሚል ሽፋን በያሉበት አገር ከኤምባሲ ጋር ግንኙነት እንዲፈጥሩ በማድረግ የተዘረጋው መዋቅር የአውሮፓውን የክትትል ስራ በግንባር ቀደምትነት እንዲመራ የመደበው የብራስልስ ኤምባሲን ነው። በቤልጂየም ኢትዮጵያ ኤምባሲ ካውንስለር በመሆን የሚያገለግሉት የቀድሞው የህወሃት ታጋይ ይህንኑ የአውሮፓ የክትትል ቻፕተር እንደሚመሩት የሚያስረዱት የቀድሞ የውጪ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ሰራተኛ የቻፕተሩን ጠርናፊ “አቶ መለስ በታመሙበት ወቅት ብራስልስ ሆነው አስፈላጊውን ሁሉ ሲያደርጉ የነበሩ የስርዓቱ ታማኝ ሰው ናቸው” ሲሉ ይገልጹዋቸዋል።

በጥቅማ ጥቅም ዲያስፖራ ውስጥ ሆነው የክትትል ስራ በመስራት በያሉበት አገር ካለው የኢትዮጵያ ኤምባሲ ጋር ግንኙነት በመፍጠር ስርዓቱን የሚያገለግሉ ስለመኖራቸው በውል የሚናገሩት እኚሁ ሰው “ስርዓቱን ሸሽተው ጥገኛነት የሚጠይቁ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስለ አገዛዙ የሚሰጡት መረጃ ስለሚያንገበግባቸው ዲያስፖራው ውስጥ ያለውን እንቅስቃሴ ለማኮላሸት ከፍተኛ በጀት ይመደባል። በዚሁ በጀት እጅግ ቀረቤታ ላላቸው ደጋፊዎቻቸው በሚኖሩበት አገር ተራ የጉልበት ሰራተኛ የሚያገኘው ክፍያ ተሰልቶ ይከፈላቸዋል” በማለት አገሩን፣ ቤተሰቡን፣ ንብረቱን፣ ቤተዘመዱን ጥሎ የሸሸውን ዜጋ እየተከታተሉ ሪፖርት ስለሚያቀርቡት ክፍሎች ይናገራሉ።

ሰፊ ማብራሪያ ያቀረቡት እማኝ የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊዎች የልማትና ድጋፍ ማሰባሰቢያ መድረኮችን በማመቻቸት ታማንነታቸውን እንደሚያሳዩ የሚገልጹት የቀድሞ የውጪ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ባልደረባ “ይህ አሰራር የተኮረጀው ከቻይና ነው። የተለያዩ አገር አሰራሮችና የደህንነት መዋቅሮች የተጠኑ ቢሆንም የ ቻይናው የተመረጠው ለስራውና ኢህአዴግ ለሚፈልገው አደረጃጀት አመቺ ሆኖ በመገኘቱ ነው” ሲሉ የመዋቅሩን ተፈጥሮ ያስረዳሉ።

ከሳምንት በፊት በኖርዌይ ስታቫንገር፣ ዛሬ ኤፕሪል 28/2013 ደግሞ በኦስሎ ስለተካሄደው የቁጣ ተቃውሞ አስተያየት የሰጡት እኚሁ ሰው “ኢህአዴግ ሊገለኝ ነው በማለት ሸሽተው ጥገኝነት የጠየቁ ወገኖች ከመንግስት ጋር ምንም ዓይነት ግንኙነት የላቸውም። ሊኖራቸውም አይችልም ማስረጃ በማሰባሰብ ጉዳዩን ወደ ህግ ማቅረብ ይቻላል” ባይ ናቸው።

“ተሰደን አገር ለቀን ወጣን። አገራችን እንዳንኖር ተደረግን። በስደት በምንኖርበት አገር ድረስ መጥተው ገንዘብ ሊጠይቁን ማሰባቸው ይገርማል። እንደዚህ ገንዘብ የተጠሙበት ምክንያት ምን ይሁን? ኢህአዴግ አገሬ እንዳልኖር አደረገኝ፣ ህይወቴ አደጋ ላይ ነው በሚል ከለላ የጠየቀ ሰው እንዴት መንግስት ደጅ ይቀርባል። ይህ እኮ ህገወጥ ነው። ወንጀል ነው። ከለላ የሰጠው አገርም ሆነ ዋናው የስደተኞች ህግ አይደግፈውም” በሚል አንድ ጥግ ይዘው የሚነጋገሩና የሚወያዩም አጋጥመውኛል።

መከላከያው አክራሪንና አልሸባብን ይደመስሳል በሚል የማይነጥፍ ገበያ አላቸው። መሬት ይሸጣሉ። ንግዱን ተቆጣጥረውታል። ኢንቨስትመንቱን በጃቸው አድርገውታል። አስመጪና ላኪነቱን የግላቸው አድርገውታል። ባዕድ ሃይል የማያደርገውን የከፋ ተግባር እንመራዋለን በሚሉት ህዝብ ላይ ይፈጽማሉ። አገሪቱን በዘርና በጎሰኝነት አስተሳሰብ መርዝ በክለው እርስ በርስ እያጫረሱ ምድሪቱን የበቀል ቡቃያ አድርገዋታል። ታዲያ እነዚህ ሰዎች በየትኛው ሞራላቸው ነው ስደት የሚለበልባቸውን ዜጎች ሰብስበው ገንዘብ የሚጠይቁት? የሁሉም ጥያቄ ነው።

በተጠቀሰው ቀን ለአባይ ግድብ የገንዘብ ማሰባሰቢያ ለማካሄድ ለሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊ አጭር የስልክ መልዕክት (የኤስ ኤም ኤስ) ጥሪና በተለያዩ አደረጃጀቶች ጥሪ ተበትኖ ነበር። ኦስሎ የሚኖሩ የስርዓቱ ሰለባዎች ራሳቸውን አደራጅተውና ግብረኃይል አቋቁመው በስብሰባው ለመገኘት ዝግጅታቸውን አስቀድመው እንዳከናወኑ በስፍራው የነበሩ ለጎልጉል ዘጋቢ አመልክተዋል።

እንደተባለው ጠዋት ረፈድ ፈድ ሲል በስቶኮልም የኢትዮጵያ ኤምባሲ ሰው ስብሰባውን ለመምራት ወዳጆቻቸውና ደጋፊዎቻቸው ያዘጋጁት መድረክ ላይ ለመቀመጥ Radisson Blue Scandinavia Hotel ሲደርሱ የጠበቃቸው ሌላ ነበር። በስብሰባው ለመገኘት የሚያስችል “የዜግነት” መብት ያላቸው ወገኖች ስብሰባውን ለመካፈል ጠየቁ። “አትገቡም” ሲባሉ ተቃውሟቸውን ከቁጣ ጋር አሰሙ። ባለስልጣኑ ማሽላ እያረረ ይስቃል እንደሚባለው ፈገግታ በማሳየት በምሬት በሚወርደው የተቃውሞ ቃል መገረፋቸውን ለመደበቅ ሞከሩ። ንዴታቸውን ለመደበቅ ሲታገሉ ጭራሹኑ ስብሰባውን ማድረግ በማይችሉበት ደረጃ ተቃውሞው ስለጨመረ ለአባይ ግድብ ብር ለማሰባሰብ የተወጠነው የኦስሎው ውጥን ስታቫንገር እንደሆነው ተኮላሸ። ፖሊስ ስብሰባው ሊካሄድ እንደማይችል አረጋገጠ።

በኖርዌይ ከሚታተሙትና ይህንኑ ጉዳይ አስመልክቶ ዜና ካሰራጩት መካከል፣ ቬጌ የሚባለው ጋዜጣ አስራ አንድ ሰዎች ህገወጥ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ አድርገዋል በሚል መታሰራቸውን አስነበበ። በስፍራው ቁጣቸውን የገለጹ ወገኖች ሳያስፈቅዱ የተቃውሞ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ አድርገዋል በሚል ጋዜጣው የእስሩን ምክንያት ፖሊስን ጠቅሶ አስፍሯል። በስፍራው የተገኙም ሆኑ የዚህ ሪፖርት አቅራቢ እንደታዘበው ዜጎች አስቀድመው የጠየቁት በስብሰባው ላይ እንሳተፍ የሚል የዜግነት ጥያቄ ነበር። በጥያቄያቸው መሰረት ወደ ስብሰባው ቦታ ለመግባት ሳይችሉ መከልከላቸው እንደ ዜጋ የሞራልና የማንነት ጥያቄ በመሆኑ ቁጣቸው ከስርዐቱ ተፈጥሮ ጋር ተዳምሮ የነደደ ነበር።

ከፍተኛ ቁጥር የነበረው የፖሊስ ሃይል አስራ ሁለት ተሽከርካሪዎችን አሰልፎ የቁጣውን ሰልፍ “ለመቆጣጠር” እንደቻለ፣ የሰለጠኑ ውሾችና ከሆቴሉ በቅርብ ርቀት ሄሊኮፕተርም ተዘጋጅቶ እንደነበር ቬጌ አስነብቧል። የጎልጉል ሪፖርተር ባሰባሰበው መረጃ አባይ ቢገደብ የሚጠሉ ወገኖች የሉም። ቅድሚያ ሊከናወኑ የሚገባቸው ጉዳዮች እንዳሉ ግን ይስማማሉ። ቅድሚያ አፈናውና ያለ ህዝብ ውክልና በጠመንጃ ከህዝብ ጫንቃ ላይ መንሰራፋት ሊቆም ይገባዋል። የመብት ገደብም ሊቆም ግድ ነው። ይህ ሲሆን ገንዘብ ያለው በገንዘቡ፣ ገንዘብ የሌለው በጉልበቱ አድርግ የተባለውን ያደርጋል። አገርም በዜጎቿ ፍላጎትና እኩል ተሳትፎ ያለ ስጋት ትለማለች።

የታሰሩት ሰዎችን በተመለከተ ይህ ሪፖርት እስከተጠናከረበት ሰዓት ድረስ ስለመፈታታቸው የተሰማ ነገር የለም። በሳምንት ጊዜ ውስጥ ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ጠንካራ ሊባል የሚችል ተቃውሞ ያጋጠመው ኢህአዴግ፣ በኖርዌይ ተመሳሳይ ፕሮግራም ለማካሄድ ባይሞክር እንደሚሻለው ገለልተኛ ነን የሚሉ ወገኖች ተናግረዋል። አቶ መለስ በህይወት በነበሩበት ወቅት በኖርዌይ የገጠማቸው ተቃውሞ የከፋ እንደነበርና የመጡበትን ጉዳይ በወጉ ሳይጨርሱ መመለሳቸውን ያስታወሱት እነዚሁ ክፍሎች “አሜሪካ በዲቪ የተጓዙ ደጋፊዎች ሊኖሩ ይችላሉ። አውሮፓ ግን በትምህርት መጥተው የቀሩ ካልሆኑ በስተቀር ኢህአዴግ በግልጽ ሊደግፉት የሚችሉትን አባላት ለመግኘት አይቻለውምና አባይን እንደጀመረው ከቻይና ተበድሮ ቢያጠናቅቀው ይመረጣል” ብለዋል። ኢህአዴግ በተለያዩ የአውሮፓ ከተሞች፣ በሳዑዲ አረቢያ፣ በዱባይ፣ በደቡብ አፍሪካ ተመሳሳይ ተቃውሞ እንደገጠመው በተለያዩ ሚዲያዎች መዘገቡ የሚታወስ ነው። (ፎቶ: VG)

Ethiopia, Somalia and some gentle diplomatic blackmail

 

 (Daily Maverick) — Ethiopia doesn’t really want to keep its troops in Somalia much longer. It’s an expensive business, and they’ve got other engagements to deal with. But who will replace them, and make sure that those hard-won conquests don’t fall back into Al-Shabaab hands? No one’s particularly keen, which is why Ethiopia has had to resort to an empty threat. By SIMON ALLISON.

The problem with being an occupying army, almost by definition, is that at some point you’re going to want to pack up and go home, leaving your hard-won conquests behind. America learned this lesson in Vietnam, where all the enemy really had to do was wait until the GIs were recalled. Vietnam is still communist, let’s not forget. They’re learning it again in Afghanistan, where, in some areas, territory changes hands every day as the Taliban creeps back into villages just as soon as it’s dark and American patrols have gone to sleep.

It’s not just the Americans. In Mali, France is desperate to withdraw its troops, who were only meant to be there for a few short weeks, but they’re stuck until they can figure out a way for either the Malian army or an African peace-keeping force to take over from them.

And in Somalia, where there has been significant progress over the last six months in appointing a new government and starting the immense (and immensely daunting) reform process, it’s obvious that the influence of the government is only as strong as its foreign muscle – the coalition of African armies which ousted the militant group Al-Shabaab from its major strongholds and has the power to enforce the government’s writ.

This is, obviously, a long-term issue. A government that can’t secure its own buildings, never mind cities and borders, is not much of a government at all. And it raises questions of legitimacy: would a truly representative government need foreign soldiers to protect it?

There is, however, a more urgent problem. Ethiopia, one of the countries that did the most to unseat Al-Shabaab and has been integral in securing parts of eastern Somalia, has announced that it is preparing to withdraw its troops from the areas it controls.

Essentially, Ethiopia’s patience has run out – and you can’t really blame it. Unlike the other African forces involved in Somalia, Ethiopia is not part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom), the multilateral force sanctioned by the African Union and supported by the international community. In practice, what this means is that no one’s paying for Ethiopia to be in Somalia – and it’s not exactly cheap (it should be noted that Kenya is also bankrolling its own presence in Somalia. Kenya’s case is different, however, because its inclusion in Amisom means it should be at least partially compensated).

So ever since the war against Al-Shabaab swung against the militants, Ethiopia has been waiting for someone – specifically Amisom troops or forces aligned with the Mogadishu government – to take over its duties. This hasn’t happened. “It has taken them a year already and they repeatedly assure us each month but fail to deliver so we pulled out,” said Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, in a speech to his parliament. “The main issue now is to accelerate our complete withdrawal towards our border. This is what we are fulfilling.”

Ethiopia’s motivations for speeding up its withdrawal now may be connected with another military engagement – this time in Sudan. Ethiopia has promised to send troops, under an international mandate, to help secure border crossings between Sudan and South Sudan and in general act as guarantor of the new cooperation agreements signed by the two Sudanese presidents. It’s not clear how large a contingent Ethiopia is sending, but it’s likely to be a significant number of troops.

So what would the impact of an Ethiopian withdrawal be on Somalia? Not good, if this example cited by Reuters is anything to go by: “Last month Ethiopian troops unexpectedly withdrew from Hudur, the capital of Bakool province near the Ethiopian border, enabling Al-Shabaab to retake the dusty town.”

But maybe we shouldn’t panic just yet, and instead ask ourselves why Ethiopia was involved in Somalia in the first place; and whether it can afford to withdraw, destabilising consequences be damned.

The short answer is: not really. Ethiopia’s not part of Amisom for a reason, and that reason is that its incursion into Somalia was unilateral rather than multilateral. As it has done before, Ethiopia was looking to prevent instability spilling over from Somalia into Ethiopia. It was protecting its own self-interest.

To abandon the territory it is occupying now to Al-Shabaab – the region’s destabilisers-in-chief – would essentially nullify all the security gains that Ethiopia has made in the area. It wouldn’t make any sense.

More likely, Ethiopia is using the threat of a sudden withdrawal to spur Amisom and Mogadishu into action. It is a little bit of diplomatic blackmail designed to hasten the replacement of its troops with troops from elsewhere, thereby maintaining the region’s stability without Ethiopia having to actually do the work – or pay the bill.

But with international attention, and funding, shifted for the most part to Mali, it seems unlikely that the replacements Ethiopia is looking for will be on their way anytime soon. And even if they do come, chances are it can only happen if Amisom soldiers are withdrawn from some other part of Somalia – not exactly a win-win situation.

–Daily Maverick

Under darkness in the Somali region of Ethiopia

 

By Graham Peebles

April 29, 2013 (Redress Online) — No matter how tightly the truth is tied down, confined and suffocated, it slowly escapes. It seeps out through cracks and openings large and small, illuminating all and revealing the grime and shame that cowers in the shadows.

The arid Somali (or Ogaden) region of Ethiopia, home to some five million ethnic Somalis, has been isolated from the world since 2005, when the Ethiopian government banned all international media and most humanitarian groups from operating in the area.

State criminality

Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports that the Ethiopian government “has tried to stem the flow of information from the region. Some foreign journalists who have attempted to conduct independent investigations have been arrested, and residents and witnesses have been threatened and detained in order to prevent them from speaking out“. Aid workers with the United Nations, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross, plus journalists from a range of Western papers, including the New York Times, have all had staff expelled and/or detained, by the Ethiopian regime, which speaks of democracy yet fails to act in accordance with its own liberal constitution and consistently violates international law, with total impunity.

Under the cover of media darkness and donor country indifference, the Ethiopian government, according to a host of human rights organizations, is committing wide-ranging human rights abuses that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Serious accusations, based on accounts relayed by refugees and interviews with Ogaden Somalis on the ground, give what could be only a hint of the level of state criminality taking place in the troubled and largely ignored region. HRW makes clear the seriousness of the situation, stating that “tens of thousands of ethnic Somali civilians living in eastern Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State are experiencing serious abuses… Ethiopian troops have forcibly displaced entire rural communities, ordering villagers to leave their homes within a few days or witness their houses being burnt down and possessions destroyed – and risk death.”

In a detailed study conservatively titled Concerns Over the Ogaden Territory, the African Rights Monitor (ARM) found “that the Ethiopian government has systematically and repeatedly arbitrarily detained, tortured and inhumanly degraded the Ogaden people”. Women and children, they report, “are raped, sexually assaulted and killed”. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), they found, “systematically attacks the women and children as they are the weakest in a civil society” and are unable to defend themselves. Documenting a series of specific cases of violence, HRW reports that “an Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force [the Liyuu police] summarily executed 10 men during a March 2012 operation”. HRW “interviewed witnesses and relatives of the victims who described witnessing at least 10 summary executions. The actual number may be higher.”

Accounts such as these clearly warrant investigation by independent agencies, and yet they are resolutely ignored. Supporters of the regime know well what is occurring throughout the Ogaden, and yet they remain silent. America – the single biggest donor to the country, with military bases inside Ethiopia from where their deadly drones are launched into Somalia and Yemen – and Britain are close allies of the Ethiopian government but not of the Ethiopian people, it seems.

A regime of abuse

Page after page could be filled with detailed accounts of abuse from refugees who have fled the region, human rights groups and members of the Ogaden diaspora. According to Genocide Watch (GW), atrocities meted out to innocent civilians suspected of supporting the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) amount to “war crimes and crimes against humanity”. These include beating people to death, hanging people from trees, tying people with wire and holding them over burning chillies, rape and repeated false imprisonment – unjustifiable acts that are justified by the government as part of a “counter-insurgency operation” against the ONLF, which is predictably branded as terrorist.

Documented reports of human rights violations amounting to state terrorism are dismissed by the EPRDF government, which has a notoriously dismal human rights record. However, as Leslie Lefkow, HRW’s deputy director of Africa, says “if the Ethiopian government doesn’t have anything to hide, why don’t they allow independent investigators and journalists into the region”. There is, she says with understatement, “a lot of concern about the human rights situation on the Ogaden”. GW are more blunt, claiming unequivocally that Ethiopia is committing genocide in the Somali region, as well as to the “Anuak, Oromo and Omo” ethnic groups (or tribes). And it calls on the EPRDF regime to cease all attacks on the Ogaden Somali people and immediately release all prisoners, urging it to “adhere to it’s own constitution and allow its provinces the legal autonomy they are guaranteed”.

The captain’s story

In 2005, implementation of the Ethiopian government’s policy of violent suppression in the Ogaden was transferred from the military to the newly-formed paramilitary group, the Liyuu police. As Faysal Mohmoud Abdi Wali, 38, a captain who defected from the Liyuu’s ninth regiment, based in Duhun district, makes clear, the Liyuu is not a recognizable police force but “an extension of the military”, which operates under a cloak of impunity and lacks any accountability. Abdi Wali served in the Liyuu from its inception eight years ago, when it was called the ‘Liyuu Xayi’, and defected in 2012. His testimony is sof particular interest, especially given the media ban.

Abdi Wali was interviewd by Swedish journalists, Amnesty International and myself. He related how young men are forced to join the Liyuu’s police and arrested if they refuse. He confirmed findings by HRW that forced recruitment takes place among tribal groups whose elders are ordered, Abdi Wali says, “to bring at least 80 fighters for every single tribe. If any of these [recruited fighters] escapes from the militia they seek and capture [them] then [the escapee is] forced to kill one of his relatives or kinship”.

He recounts mass killings in “Hamaro, Sagag and Dhuhun of Fiq provinces”, where he says “large numbers of civilians accused of being ONLF sympathizers” were massacred. “These people are mostly killed by hanging from trees and girls are gang-raped and then murdered”.

He goes on to say “the youth in Dhuhun, the young men and the young women in Hamaro – the young men slaughtered in Degeh-bur and teens summarily executed [in] Denan and Dakhato”. Extra-judicial executions, intimidation and “forceful methods, strangling and rape of females aged 15-25”, are used as weapons of terror, “based on the advice we received from the regional president, Abdi Mohamud Omar, who said “indoctrinate the women with the male phallus and the men with guns”. Omar was largely responsible for the creation of the Liyuu, which evolved out of the Ethiopian army and was embraced by former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The captain states he was an “eyewitness for unaccountable massacres” by Liyuu police who, after killing villagers, “burned the entire village to the ground”. They “forcefully remove them [the villagers] from the land and slaughter their livestock. In remote villages, they sometimes massacre them all. For example, they forcefully removed many villagers from Gudhis, massacring 125 members from that village and burned the village, in 2007.”

Soldiers are rewarded, he says, for killing civilians, for the “good job they have done”. Nomads who have the misfortune to see the Liyuu in action are killed, “in order to make sure that their information is not received by the ONLF rebels“. Summary executions, he reports, are commonplace, as “in Dakhato in June 2010 … [where] 43 nomads were killed”. Abdi Wali estimates the number of civilians murdered by the Liyuu since 2005 “to be in excess of 30,000 people”.

Urgent action required

The Somali region, poor and desolate, is potentially the richest part of Ethiopia. Natural gas and oil have been discovered under the harsh surface and various contracts for exploration have been granted to international companies (without consultation with local, indigenous people, needless to say).

The current round of violence is to many people linked to the discovery of these natural treasures. GW relays how, “immediately after oil and gas were discovered in the Ogaden, Ethiopian government forces evicted large numbers of Ogaden Somalis from their ancestral grazing lands”. According to Abdi Wali the federal government “has strategic economic and land acquisition aims in the Ogaden region, intended to exploit the natural resources of the region”. These are strategic aims which they are seeking to realize by silencing the indigenous local people.

While some numbers, dates and locations from these and other accounts may be debated, the weight of claims of human rights violations and state criminality is, it would appear, beyond dispute, to the extent that GW has “called upon the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation in Ethiopia to the International Criminal Court”.

This necessary measure, together with a range of others (including the immediate release of all political prisoners, the correct distribution of all humanitarian aid to the needy, giving journalists open and unrestricted access, and a thorough investigation by independent observers) would be the right and proper course of action in the region. It is a course of action that should be urgently undertaken at the insistence of Ethiopia’s main donors: the United States, Britain and the European Union.

–Redress

መሪ አጣን” እያሉ ማላዘን ይቁም

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መሪነት እና የመሪነት ወለፈንዲዎች

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መግቢያ

ማኅበራዊ ለውጥንና እድገትን የሚመለከቱ ዓላማዎች በአንድ ወይም በጥቂት ሰዎች ጥረት የሚሳኩ አይደሉም። እነዚህ ትላልቅ ዓላማዎች እንዲሳኩ የብዙ ሰዎች የተባበረ ጥረት ያስፈልጋል። በርካታ ሰዎችን ለእንዲህ ዓይነቶቹ ግዙፍ ዓላማዎች ማነሳሳትና እና ማስተባበር ነው መሪነት (Leadership) የሚባለው።
መሪነትን በአንድ ዓረፍተ ነገር እንተረጉመው ቢባል የሚከተለውን የመሰለ ዓረፍተ ነገር እናገኛለን።
መሪነት፣ ሰዎች የተለሙትን ግብ ለማሳካት የሚተባበሩዓቸውን ሌሎች በርካታ ሰዎች ቀስቅሰው አሳምነው፤ አደራጅተው፣ መንገድ እያሳዩ ለተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴ የሚያነሳሱበት እና እንቅስቃሴውንም የሚያስተባብሩበት ሂደት ነው።
በአንዳንድ ውይይቶች “መሪነት” (Leadership) ከ መሪ (Leader) ጋር ሲደባለቅ ይስተዋላል። መሪነት ከላይ እንደተገፀው ሂደት (Process) ሲሆን መሪ ግን በዚህ ሂደት ውስጥ ያለን አንድ ወይም ጥቂት ወሳኝ ሰዎችን ይመለከታል።
ዓላማን ለማሳካት፣ ገንዘብና ቁሳቁስ የመሳሰሉ ግብዓቶችንም ማቀናጀት የሚጠይቅ ቢሆንም እንኳን ስለመሪነት ስንነጋገር ዋነኛ ትኩረታችን ሰው ላይ ነው። ሰው ከማናቸውም ሌሎች ግብዓቶች (ለምሳሌ ገንዘብ፣ ቁሳቁስ፣ መረጃ፣ ንብረት) መወዳደር በማይችል መጠን ውስብስብ ነው። ሰውን መምራት ሌሎች ግብዓቶችን ከማስተዳደር የከበደ ሥራ ነው።
ኢትዮጵያዊያን በምናደርጋቸው ውይይቶች “ዋናው ችግራችን የመሪ እጦት ነው” የሚል ዓይነት ድምዳሜ መስማት የተለመደ ነው። አንዳንድ ሰዎች አገራችንን ከችግሮች ማውጣት ያልቻልነው በመሪ እጦት እንደሆነ በእርግጠኝነት ይናገራሉ።
በእነዚህ ክርክሮች ውስጥ የተወሰነ እውነት አለ ብለን ብንቀበል እንኳን “ለመሪ እጦትስ የዳረገን ምንድነው?” የሚለውን ተከታይ ጥያቄ ለማንሳት ድፍረት ሊኖረን ይገባል። መሪነትን የተሳካ የሚያደርገው መሪው ብቻ አይደለም። ተከታዮች (The Led or Followers) ለተሳካ መሪነት የሚያበረክቱት ድርሻ ከፍተኛ ነው። መሪ ከምንም ብቅ የሚል ክስተት ሳይሆን ከተመሪዎች የሚወጣ መሆኑና መሪም ተመሪም በአካባቢያው ሁኔታዎች (Conditions) ተጽዕኖ ውስጥ መሆናቸው እና በመካከላቸው ያለው የተግባቦት (Communication) ዓይነት የመሪነትን ጥራት በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ የሚወስን መሆኑ በማኅበረሰባችን ውስጥ በቂ ግንዛቤ ያገኘ አይመስልም።
ይህንን ጉልህ የግንዛቤ ክፍተት በመጠኑም ቢሆን ለመሙላት ይህ አጭር ጽሁፍ መሪነትን በአራቱ ዋና ዋና ክፍሎች (Components) ለመመርመር ይሞክራል። እነዚህ የመሪነት ክፍሎች ተከታዮች፣ መሪ፣ ተግባቦት እና ሁኔታዎች ናቸው። እግረ መንገዱንም መሪነት ምን ያህል አስቸጋሪ ሥራ እንደሆነ ለማሳየት ከታወቁ የመሪነት ወለፈንዲዎች (paradoxes) ጥቂቱን ለመመልከት ይጥራል። በመጨረሻም “ስኬታማ አመራር /Effective Leadership/ እንድናገኝ ምን እናድርግ?” ለሚለው አስጨናቂ ጥያቄ አንዳንድ የውይይት መነሻ ሃሳቦችን ይሰነዝራል።
የጽሁፉ ዋነኛ ዓላማ የውይይት መነሻ ሐሳብ ማቅረብ በመሆኑ ብዙ ሊፃፍባቸው የሚገቡ ሃሳቦችን በአጭሩ ጠቅሶ ያልፋል።

ለመሪነት አራት ወሳኝ ነገሮች

መሪነት አራት ዋና ዋና አካላት አሉት – ተከታዮች፣ መሪ፣ ተግባቦት፣እና ሁኔታ። ከአራቱ አንዱ እንኳን ቢጎድል መሪነት የለም።

ተከታዮች

ማንኛውም ሰው መሪ ከመሆኑ በፊት ተመሪ ወይም ተከታይ የመሆኑ ነገር ልጅ ሳይሆኑ ወላጅ መሆን የማይቻለውን ያህል ተፈጥሮዓዊ ህግ ነው። ይህን ሃቅ “መሪ ይወለዳል እንጂ አይሠራም (አይሰለጥንም)” የሚሉ ሰዎች እንኳን ይቀበሉታል። “ለመሪነት የተወለደው” ሰው እንኳን በልጅነቱ የወላጆቹ፣ የአሳዳጊዎቹ፣ የመምህሮቹ ተከታይ ሆኖ ማደጉ ግድ ነው።
አንዳንድ ሰዎች ለመሪነት፣ ብዙዎች ደግሞ ለተከታይነት ተፈጥረዋል የሚለው እሳቤ በተለይ በአገራችን ባይጠፋም ቀስ በቀስ እየከሰመ ያለ አስተሳሰብ ነው።
አሁን ይበልጥ ተቀባይነት እያገኘ ያለው አስተሳሰብ ተከታዮቹ ያሉት፤ ራሱን ለቡደኑ፣ ለዓላማውና ለሁኔታዎች ተስማሚ በሆኑ ባህሪያት ያነፀ፤ አና ሁኔታዎች የተመቻቹለት ማንኛውም ሰው መሪ መሆን ይችላል የሚለው እሳቤ ነው። በዚህ እሳቤ መሠረት መሪ የሚወጣው ከተከታዮች ነው። በዘመናዊ ማኅበረሰብ ውስጥ የድርጅትም ሆነ የአገር መሪዎች መሪ ከመሆናቸው በፊት በተከታይነት ልምድ ማካበት ይኖርባቸዋል። ጥሩ መሪዎች የጥሩ ተመሪዎች ውጤት ናቸው።
በዚህ እሳቤ መሠረት ጥሩ አመራር እንዲኖር ከሚያስፈልጉ ነገሮች አንዱ – ምናልባትም ዋነኛው – የጥሩ ተከታዮች መኖር ነው። ጥሩ ተከታይ በሌለበት ጥሩ መሪ ማውጣት ከባድ ነው።
ጠንካራ ተከታዮች የአመራሩ ምሰሶ ናቸው። መሪያቸው ጠንካራ ጎኖቹን ይበልጥ እንዲያጎለብት፤ ደካማ ጎኖቹን እንዲያሻሽል ማድረግ ይችላሉ። ጠንካራ ተከታዮች መሪያቸው ብቃት ከጎደለው በጊዜ በሌላ የተሻለ ሰው እንዲተካ ማድርግ ይችላሉ። ደካማ ተከታዮች ግን ጠንካራውን መሪ ያደክማሉ።
በአንድ ድርጅት ወይም ማኅበረሰብ ውስጥ የአመራር ድክመት መኖር አለመኖሩ ለማጣራት መደረግ ከሚገባቸው ጥናቶች አንዱ ተከታዮችን መመዘን ነው። ተከታዮችም ቢሆኑ “የአመራር ችግር ገጠመን”፤ “የመሪ ያለህ ” እያሉ ከማማረራቸው በፊት “እኛ እንዴት ያለን ተከታዮች ነን” ብለው ራሳቸውን ቢጠይቁ የተሻለ መፍትሔ ለማግኘት ይረዳል።
ስኬታማ አመራር ለማስፈን የሚረዱ የተከታዮች ባህሪያት ዝርዝር ረዥም ሊሆን ቢችልም ዋና ዋናዎቹ ከዚህ በታች ተዘርዝረዋል።

• ድርጅታቸው የቆመለትን ዓላማ የሚያስቀድሙ፤ ለዓላማቸው መሳካት ዋጋ ለመክፈል የቆረጡ፤
• የጋራ ውጤት የሚገኘው በጋራ ጥረት መሆኑን የተረዱ፤ ሳየሠሩ ውጤት ከመጠበቅ አባዜ የተላቀቁ፤
• ከአድርባይነት ስሜት የተላቀቁ እና ቅነነት ያላቸው፤
• ለመመራት ዝግጁ የሆኑ፤ መብትና ግዴታዎቻቸውን የተገነዘቡ፤ ለድርጅታዊ ህጎች ተገዥ የሆኑ፤ እና
• ለመምራት ዝግጁ የሆኑ፤ በራሳቸው የሚተማመኑ፤ ኃላፊነት ለመውሰድ የተዘጋጁ።

መሪ

መሪ መሆን በተከታዮች የሚሰጥ እንጂ “እኔ መሪያችሁ ነኝ” ተብሎ የሚጫን ነገር አይደለም። ተከታዮች ናቸው “እከሌ መሪያችነን ነው፤ እከሊት መሪያችን ናት” በማለት እውቅና የሚሰጡት ወይም የሚሰጧት። መሪነት በምርጫ ውጤት የሚገኝ ነገርም አይደለም። በምርጫ ሊቀመንበር ወይም ፕሬዚዳንት መሆን ይቻላል። ሊቀመንበር ወይም ፕሬዚዳንት መሆን ግን መሪ መሆን ማለት አይደለም። መሪ መሆን የሚቻለው የተከታዮችን ልብ መማረክ ሲቻል ነው።
ጥሩ መሪ ለመሆን የሚያስፈልጉ ባህሪያት እጅግ በርካታ ሲሆኑ ርዕይ (ማለትም ግልጽ የሆነ የሩቅ ጊዜ እይታ) /Vision/፣ ጥልቅ የሆነ ስሜት /Passion/፣ የማሳመን ችሎታ፣ የማደራጀት ችሎታ፣ እና የመወሰን ችሎታ ዋነኞቹ ናቸው።

ርዕይ

መሪ ከርዕዩ ሌላ የሚሰጠው ነገር የለውም። መሪ ሰዎችን የሚያግባባው፤ ተከታዮቹን የሚያነቃቃው፣ የሚያደራጀው፣ የሚታግለው በርዕዩ ነው። “አብረን ከቆምን፤ ጠንክረን ከታገልን እዚያ መልካም ሥፍራ መድረስ እንችላለን” እያለ ምኞቱ ምኞታቸው፤ ጉጉቱ ጉጉታቸው፤ ሕልሙ ሕልማቸው እንዲሆን ማድረግ ነው የመሪ ትልቁ ሥራ። ለዚህም ነው ታላቅ መሪ ባለርዕይ /Visionary/ መሆን ይኖርበታል የሚባለው። ርዕይ የሌለው መሪ ብቁ መሪ አይደለም።
ግልጽ ላልሆነ ግብ እንኳንስ ሌሎች ሰዎችን የገዛ ራስንም ማነቃቃት ይከብዳል። ግልጽ የሆነ ርዕይ፣ ዓላማ እና ግብ መኖር የጥሩ መሪ የመጀመሪያው እና ትልቁ መለያው ነው። ጥሩ መሪ መድረሻውን የሚያውቅና ወደ መድረሻው እየተጓዘ የቀረውን ጉዞ በተመለከተ አማራጭ መንገዶችን እያሰላሰለ የሚኖር ሰው ነው።

ጥልቅ ስሜት

ጥሩ መሪ ለዓላማው፣ ለድርጅቱ፣ ለተከታዮቹ፣ እና ለድርጅቱ ደንቦችና መመሪያች ከፍተኛ ፍቅር እና አክብሮት ያለው ሰው ሊሆን ይገባል።
በሥራ አስኪያጅ (Manager) እና በመሪ (Leader) መካከል ያለው ትልቁ ልዩነት የዚህ ስሜት ጥልቀት ነው። ማኔጀሮችም ቢሆኑ ድርጅታቸውን፣ ሠራተኞቻቸውን ይወዳሉ ሕይወታቸውን ግን አይሰውላቸውም። ጥሩ መሪ ግን ለዓላማው፣ ለድርጅቱና ለተከታዮቹ ሕይወቱን ይሰጣል፤ ከእነዚህ የሚበልጥበት ነገር የለውም። ጥሩ መሪ የድርጅቱን ደንቦችና መመሪያዎች ከሚያዙት በላይ ይከውናል፤ ደንብ ከሚከለክላቸው ነገሮችም ደንቡ ከሚያዘው በላይ ራሱን ይገድባል። መሪ የመሪነት ሥራውን የሚከውነው ጥልቅ በሆነ የኃላፊነት መንፈስና ፍቅር ነው።

የማሳመን ችሎታ

መሪ ከፍተኛ የሆነ የማሳመን ችሎታ ሊኖረው ይገባል።
ሰዎችን ለማሳመን ከሁሉ አስቀድሞ ጥሩ አድማጭ መሆን ይገባል። ጥሩ መሪዎች ከፍተኛ ድርሻ ያለው የሥራ ጊዜዓቸውን ለማዳመጥ ይመድባሉ። ተከታዮች አስተያየታቸውና አቤቱታቸውን የሚያዳምጥ መሪ ይፈልጋሉ። ጥያቄዓቸው መፍትሄ ባይኖረው እንኳን በመደመጣቸው ሊረ ኩ ይችላሉ። ለዓላማቸው መሳካት፤ ለድርጅታቸው ጥንካሬ የሚያቀርቧቸው አስተያየቶች እንዲሰሙላቸው ይፈልጋሉ። የማያዳምጥ መሪ ተከታዮችን ያጣል፤ ቢናገርም የሚሰማው አይኖርም።
ጥሩ መሪ ጥሩ መረጃ አጠናቃሪ መሆን ይኖርበታል። መረጃዎችን ከተለያዩ ምንጮች መሰብሰብ እና መተንተን የመሪው የግል ኃላፊነት ነው። አጠገቡ ያሉ ሰዎች የነገሩት ሁሉ እውነት እንደሆነ ወስዶ ውሳኔ የሚሰጥ መሪ ጥሩ መሪ አይደለም።
ጥሩ መሪ ጥሩ ተናጋሪ መሆን ይጠበቅበታል። መሪ አንደበተ ርቱዕ ለመሆን መጣር አለበት። የመሪነት ሥራዎች በአብዛኛው የሚከናወኑት በሰው ከሰው ግኑኝነቶች በመሆኑ ተናግሮ ማሳመን የማይችል መሪ ጥሩ መሪ ሊባል አይችልም፡
ስለሆነም መሪ ከፍተኛ የሆነ የማሳመን ችሎታ ሊኖረው ይገባል ሲባል 1ኛ ጥሩ አድማጭ፣ 2ኛ ጥሩ መረጃ አጠናቃሪ፣ እና 3ኛ ጥሩ ተናጋሪ መሆን አለበት ማለት ነው።

የማደራጀት ችሎታ

መሪ ተከታዮችን ማወቅ እና እንደ ዝንባሌያቸውና ችሎታቸው መመደብ ይኖርበታል። መሪ ሥ.ራና ሰውን የማቀናጀት ጥበብ ሊኖረው ይገባል።
አንድ መሪ የአንድ ድርጅት የጥንካሬ መሠረቶች (1ኛ) ድርጅታዊ መዋቅር፣ (2ኛ) ድርጅታዊ ባህል እና (3ኛ) ግብዓቶች (በተለይም ሰው) መሆናቸው ያውቃል፤ እነዚህን የጥንካሬ መሠረቶችን ለማጥበቅ ይጥራል።
ብልህ መሪ ስትራቴጂያዊ ግብን ለመምታት ተስማሚ ድርጅታዊ መዋቅር መኖሩ ወሳኝ ጉዳይ መሆኑ ያውቃል። በዚህም መሠረት ድርጅቱ ተልዕኮውን ለማሳካት በሚያመቸው መንገድ መደራጀቱ ያረጋግጣል። ድርጅታዊ መዋቅር ከእዝ ሰንሰለት ባሻገር በደንቦች፣ በመመሪያዎች፣ በኃላፊነት ዝርዝሮች መታገዝ እንዳለበት ያውቃል።
ጠንካራ መሪ፣ ዲሲፕሊን የድርጅታዊ ባህል መሠረት መሆኑ ያውቃል። ጠንካራ መሪ፣ በጠንካራ ዲሲፕሊን ያልተገነባ ድርጅት ያለመውን ማሳካት እንደሚቸግረው ይገነዘባል። ስለሆነም ጠንካራ ዲሲፕሊን የድርጅቱ ባህል እንዲኖር ይጥራል።
ጥሩ መሪ የድርጅት ትልቁ ሃብት አባላቱ መሆናቸው ስለሚረዳ የአባላት ብቃት ለማጎልበት ይጥራል፤ የአባላትን ተሳትፎ ለማጎልበት መድረኮችን ያመቻቻል።
ልዩነቶች ጠፍተው ሁሉም አንድ አይነት እንዳይሆን፤ በተቃራኒው ደግሞ ልዩነቶች ሰፍተው ድርጅቱ እንዳይበጣበጥ በቅራኔዎች አፈታት ጥበብ የተካነ መሆን ይኖርበታል።
የመወሰን ችሎታ
የተዋጣለት መሪ ተገቢው ውሳኔ በተገቢው ወቅት መስጠት የሚችል መሆን ይኖርበታል። የዘገየ ውሳኔ ጥሩ እንዳልሆነ ሁሉ የተቻኮለ ውሳኔን ከፍተኛ ጉዳት የሚያመጣ ሊሆን ይችላል። ውሳኔዎች በመረጃ መደገፍ ቢኖርባቸውም መረጃዎች ተሟልተው በማይገኙበት ወቅት ስሜትን ማዳመጥ (intuition) ተገቢ ሊሆን ይችላል።
የተዋጣለት መሪ ለውሳኔ አሰጣጥ የሚረዱ ቴክኒኮችን ማወቅ ይጠበቅበታል።

ስኬታማ ተግባቦት

ስኬታማ ተግባቦት /Effective Communication/ መሪዎች በተከታዮቻቸው፤ ተከታዮች በመሪያቸው እና ሁለቱም ወገኖች በድርጅታቸው ላይ እምነት እንዲጥሉ የሚረዳ ቁልፍ ነገር ነው። ስኬታማ አመራር መስጠት የሚቻለው ስኬታማ ተግባቦት ሲኖር ነው። የተግባቦቱ ዓይነትና አፈፃፀም በመሪና በተከታዮቹ መካከል ያለው ግኑኝነት እንዲጠናከር አሊያም እንዲበላሽ ያደርጋል።
ስኬታማ ተግባቦትን በተመለከተ ሁለት ነገሮች አጽንዖት ሊሰጣቸው ይገባል – የሥራ ዘገባዎች፣ እና የሰው ለሰው ግኑኝነት።

የሥራ ዘገባዎች

Boeing 787 Dreamliner returns to service in Ethiopia flight

By BBC
April 27, 2013
Note - Boeing executives, some of them with their families, and the chief of the Ethiopian Airlines were onboard the flight to Nairobi. An Ethiopian Airlines 787 Dreamliner has flown from Addis Ababa to Nairobi, the first commercial flight by the Boeing aircraft since all 787s were grounded in January.
The 50 planes around the world were grounded due to battery malfunctions that saw one 787 catch fire in the US.Over the past week teams of Boeing engineers have been fitting new batteries to the aircraft.This was after aviation authorities approved the revamped battery design.The Ethiopian Airlines plane took off at 09:45 local time (07:45 GMT) and landed in Nairobi, Kenya, some two hours later. Engineering teamEach 787 has two of the lithium-ion batteries which caused problems.In addition to new versions of the batteries which run at a much cooler temperature, the batteries are now enclosed in stainless steel boxes.These boxes have a ventilation pipe that goes directly to the outside of the plane. Boeing says this means than in the unlikely event of any future fire or smoke, it would not affect the rest of the aircraft.On Thursday, the US Federal Aviation Administration issued a formal "air worthiness" directive allowing revamped 787s to fly.Japanese airlines, which have been the biggest customers for the new-generation aircraft, are expected to begin test flights on Sunday.A total of 300 Boeing engineers, pooled into 10 teams, have in the past week been fitting the new batteries and their containment systems around the world.Boeing is expected to complete repairs on all 50 of the grounded Dreamliners by the middle of May.In addition to the Dreamliners in service with airlines, Boeing has upgraded the 787s it has continued to make at its factory in Seattle since January.The Dreamliner entered service in 2011. Half of the plane is made from lightweight composite materials, making it more fuel efficient than other planes of the same size.The two lithium-ion batteries are not used when the 787 is in flight.They are operational when the plane is on the ground and its engines are not turned on, and are used to power the aircraft's brakes and lights.

Tarikuwa Lemma Exposed the Selling of Ethiopian Kids

   Adopted against her will: One woman shares her story

What would you do if you arrived in a foreign country ready to study on an educational exchange and only to discover you had been “adopted” by a family that thought you were an orphan?
It may sound like a nightmare, but it happened to Tarikuwa Lemma, who told her story on Sunday’s Melissa Harris-Perry. Lemma came to the United States from Ethiopia for what she and her family thought was an educational exchange program when she was 13-years-old; after she arrived, she was told she had been adopted.
Once she learned what her adoption meant for her future, Lemma felt “a lot of grief and anger.”
“I didn’t want a new family because I had a family in Ethiopia,” said Lemma, who will start her freshman year at college in the fall. The family that tried to adopt Lemma and her two younger sisters changed their names and even stopped them from speaking their native language.
Adoption is a multi-billion dollar industry, rife with corruption and dissemblance, and in recent years it has morphed into an evangelical movement.
“There is so much emphasis on and enthusiasm for adoption in the United States,” said journalist Kathryn Joyce, author of “The Child Catchers.” “When adoption agencies prey on families’ desire to ‘help’ children they believe to be in need, there have been lies and misinformation seeded in from the very beginning” of the adoption process.
How can the adoption process be reformed? Is it even possible to do so? Watch the full discussion on MHPshow.com and watch the show every Saturday and Sunday at 10:00 AM ET.
Source: MSNBC

Watching American Diplocrisy in Ethiopia

by Alemayehu G. Mariam

America is Watching!?
Diplomacy by hypocrisy is “diplocrisy”.
Edmund Burke, the British statesman and philosopher, said “Hypocrisy can afford to be magnificent in its promises, for never intending to go beyond promise, it costs nothing.” We’ve heard many promises on human rights in Africa from President Obama and his Administration over the past four years. “We will work diligently with Ethiopia to ensure that strengthened democratic institutions and open political dialogue become a reality for the Ethiopian people… We will work for the release of jailed scholars, activists, and opposition party leaders… We align ourselves with men and women around the world who struggle for the right to speak their minds, to choose their leaders, and to be treated with dignity and respect…. Africa’s future belongs to its young people… We’re going to keep helping empower African youth… Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. We support strong and sustainable democratic governments…. America will be more responsible in extending our hand. Aid is not an end in itself… [Dictatorship] is not democracy, [it] is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end… America is watching…” All empty promises and cheap talk.
Last week, the U.S. State Department released its annual Human Rights Report for 2013. In his remarks launching that report, Secretary of State John Kerry announced

…[These] reports show brave citizens around the world and those who would abuse them that America is watching…

So anywhere that human rights are under threat, the United States will proudly stand up, unabashedly, and continue to promote greater freedom, greater openness, and greater opportunity for all people. And that means speaking up when those rights are imperiled. It means providing support and training to those who are risking their lives every day so that their children can enjoy more freedom. It means engaging governments at the highest levels and pushing them to live up to their obligations to do right by their people…

Is America really “watching” and “standing up”?
I am always curious when someone is watching. Big Brother is watching! Aargh!!
When Kerry tells “brave citizens” in Ethiopia like Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Wobshet Taye, Sertkalem Fasil, Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa, Abubekar Ahmed, Ahmedin Jebel, Ahmed Mustafa and so many others “America is watching”, what does he mean? Does he mean America is watching them rot in Meles Zenawi Prison #1 in Kality and/or #2 in Zewai? Does he mean America is watching Ethiopia like birdwatchers watch birds? Or like amateur astronomers watching the starry night sky? Perhaps like daydreaming tourists at the beach watching the waves crash and the summer clouds slowly drifting inland?
Is “watching” a good or a bad thing? If we believe Albert Einstein, watching is no good. “The world will not be destroyed by those who do evil, but by those who watch them without doing anything.” (Silent watchers, watch out!) Like Nero Claudius Caesar who watched Rome burn from the hilltops singing and playing his lyre. Or, (I hate to say it but it would be hypocritical of me not to) like Susan Rice who watched Rwanda burn. Her only question was, “If we use the word ‘genocide’ and are seen as doing nothing, what will be the effect on the November [Congressional] election?”
I like it when Human Rights Watch (HRW) watches because when they watch they witness. They saw the genocide and crimes against humanity in the Ogaden and Gambella and they have witnesses. They watched independent journalists jacked up in kangaroo court and railroaded to Meles Prison #1 or #2. (Sounds like the equivalent of a hotel chain? Well, they do put chain and ball on innocent people at the Meles Zenawi Hilton.)
I like watching watchdogs watch crooks, criminals and outlaws. I mean “watchdog journalists” like Eskinder, Reeyot, Serkalem, Woubshet and many others. These journalists used to watch power abusers and alert citizens of the crimes they were watching. Now the criminals are watching them in solitary at the Meles Zenawi Hilton.
I also like the way the watchdogs’ watchdog watch those who dog the watchdogs. I am referring to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). The CPJ guys are like McGruff, the crime watchdog, always tracking to “take bites out of crimes” committed against journalists. Not long ago, they watched and sounded the alarm that Reeyot Alemu was heading to solitary confinement just because she complained about inhumane and inhuman treatment in Meles Zenawi Prison. Last week, the CPJ watched Woubshet Taye being hauled from the Meles Zenawi Prison #1 to Meles Zenawi Prison #2. (They think he will be forgotten by the world lost in the armpits of Meles Zenawi Prison #2.)
I pity those who just watch. Like the “foolish and senseless people, who have eyes but do not see, who have ears but do not hear” or those who may “indeed see but not perceive, and may indeed hear but not understand.” I have no idea what the Obama Administration is watching, perceiving or seeing in Ethiopia? I would like to believe they are watching human rights abuses and abusers and the criminals against humanity. But how is it possible to watch with arms folded, ears plugged and wearing welding goggles? I wonder: Could they be watching the tragicomedy, “The Trials and Tribulations of the Apostles of Meles”? Perhaps they are watching kangaroo courts stomping all over justice and decency? I am certain they are not watching the political prisoners. Perhaps they are watching the horror movie, “Dystopia in Ethiopia”? Sure, it’s a scary movie but it really isn’t real. But if it is real, what’s the big deal? The same horror film has been playing all over Africa since before independence. Get over it!
From where I am watching, the Obama Administration seems to be watching Ethiopia peekaboo style; you know, cover your face with the palms of your hand and “watch” between the fingers. “I seee yooou!” That is, stealing elections, sucking the national treasury dry, handing over the best land in the country to bloodsucking multinationals, jailing journalists and ripping off the people.
Doesn’t “America is watching,” sound like Orwellian doublespeak. You know, “War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength.” Dictatorship is democracy. Watching is turning a blind eye.
When America is watching, those being watched in Ethiopia are watching America watching them. They watch America waffling and shuffling, double-talking, flip-flopping and dithering, equivocating, pretending, hemming and hawing and hedging and dodging. But those chaps in Ethiopia watch like George Orwell’s Big Brother (Nineteen Eighty-Four) who watched everybody and everything in Oceania. Well, Big Brother Meles is gone from Ethiopiana but the “Little Brothers of the Party of Meles” keep on watching and yodeling:

…The Party seeks power entirely for its own sake. We are not interested in the good of others; we are interested solely in power, pure power. What pure power means you will understand presently. We are different from the oligarchies of the past in that we know what we are doing. All the others, even those who resembled ourselves, were cowards and hypocrites. The German Nazis and the Russian Communists came very close to us in their methods, but they never had the courage to recognize their own motives. They pretended, perhaps they even believed, that they had seized power unwillingly and for a limited time, and that just around the corner there lay a paradise where human beings would be free and equal. We are not like that. We know what no one ever seizes power with the intention of relinquishing it. Power is not a means; it is an end. One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one makes the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship. The object of persecution is persecution. The object of torture is torture. The object of power is power. Now you begin to understand me.

Oceania Ethiopiana!
I have been watching America watching Ethiopia for a very long time. I have been watching the Obama Administration watching and coddling the criminals against humanity in Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda. I must confess that I enjoy watching and re-watching President Obama’s speeches in Accra, Cairo, Istanbul and elsewhere. “History is on the side of brave Africans…” (whatever that means).
I liked watching former Secretary of State Hilary Clinton declare moral victory on the Chinese and capture the commanding moral heights. “We don’t want to see a new colonialism in Africa… It is easy to come in, take out natural resources, pay off leaders and leave… and not leave much behind for the people who are there.” Right on! Power to the people of Africa! Down with colonialism! (I think that may be a bit passé.)
Sometimes I feel bad watching. When I watch hard earned American tax dollars bankrolling ruthless African dictators who laugh straight to the bank to deposit their American tax dollars, I really get bummed out. I am peeved when I watch the American people being flimflammed into believing their tax dollars are supporting democracy, human rights and American values in Africa. But when I watch those miserable panhandlers “enfolded in the purple of Emperors” bashing and trashing America on their way back from depositing their foreign aid welfare checks, I just plain get pissed off!!
“America is watching,” but is America watching where its tax dollars are going? It is NOT. According to an audit report by the Office of the Inspector General of US AID in March 2010 (p. 1), there is no way to determine the fraud, waste and abuse of American tax dollars in Ethiopia:

The audit was unable to determine whether the results reported in USAID/Ethiopia’s Performance Plan and Report were valid because agricultural program staff could neither explain how the results were derived nor provide support for those results. Indeed, when the audit team attempted to validate the reported results by tracing from the summary amounts to the supporting detail, it was unable to do so at either the mission or its implementing partners… In the absence of a complete and current performance management plan, USAID/Ethiopia is lacking an important tool for monitoring and managing the implementation of its agricultural program.

Watching diplocrisy in Technicolor
There is nothing more mind-bending and funny than watching hypocrisy in Technicolor. Earlier this month, in an act of shameless diplocrisy, Secretary Kerry expressed grave reservations about the legitimacy of the election of Nicolás Maduro as president of Venezuela. Maduro won the election by a razor thin margin of 50.66 percent of the votes. Opposition leader Henrique Capriles rejected the results alleging irregularities and demanding a recount of all votes.
Kerry supported Capriles’ demand for a recount. “We think there ought to be a recount… Obviously, if there are huge irregularities, we are going to have serious questions about the viability of that [Maduro] government.” White House spokesman Jay Carney also issued a statement calling for a recount of all the votes.

… Given the tightness of the result — around 1 percent of the votes cast separate the candidates – the opposition candidate and at least one member of the electoral council have called for a 100 percent audit of the results. And this appears an important, prudent and necessary step to ensure that all Venezuelans have confidence in these results. In our view, rushing to a decision in these circumstances would be inconsistent with the expectations of Venezuelans for a clear and democratic outcome.

In May 2010 when the late Meles Zenawi claimed 99.6 percent victory in the parliamentary elections and leaders from Medrek, the largest opposition coalition, and the smaller All Ethiopia Unity Party alleged glaring election fraud, vote rigging and denial of American food aid to poor farmers unless they voted for the ruling party, the U.S. response was “see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil.” White House National Security Spokesman Mike Hammer could only express polite “concern” and muted “disappointment”:

We acknowledge the conclusion of Ethiopia’s parliamentary elections on May 23, 2010…

We are concerned that international observers found that the elections fell short of international commitments. We are disappointed that U.S. Embassy officials were denied accreditation and the opportunity to travel outside of the capital on Election Day to observe the voting. The limitation of independent observation and the harassment of independent media representatives are deeply troubling.

An environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place even before Election Day. In recent years, the Ethiopian government has taken steps to restrict political space for the opposition through intimidation and harassment, tighten its control over civil society, and curtail the activities of independent media. We are concerned that these actions have restricted freedom of expression and association and are inconsistent with the Ethiopian government’s human rights obligations.

…We urge the Ethiopian government to ensure that its citizens are able to enjoy their fundamental rights. We will work diligently with Ethiopia to ensure that strengthened democratic institutions and open political dialogue become a reality for the Ethiopian people.

Victory by 50.66 percent is irrefutable evidence of election fraud in Venezuela but “all Ethiopians should have confidence” in the 99.6 percent election victory of Meles Zenawi? Sounds like election certification in Oceania. Rigged elections are free and fair elections!
Watching “fools, idiots” and sanctimonious diplocrites
If Susan Rice is to be believed, critics of Meles Zenawi and his regime (and by implication critics of U.S. policy that supports the regime) are “fools and idiots”. I guess if one must choose between being a “fool/idiot” and a hypocrite/diplocrite, one is well-advised to choose the former. A fool does or does not do the right thing because s/he lacks intelligence and understanding. S/he has the potential to learn and make right choices. But the cunning diplocrite does the wrong thing with full knowledge and understanding of the wrongfulness of his/her acts. S/he is unteachable and incorrigible. No one knows more about the difference between right and wrong than diplocrites, yet they do wrong because they don’t give a _ _ _ _!
The U.S. has been practicing diplocrisy in Ethiopia for the past two decades. It has propped up the regime of Meles Zenawi with billions of dollars of “development” and “humanitarian” aid while filling the stomachs of starving Ethiopians with empty words and emptier promises. Since 1991, the West in general has provided Meles’ regime nearly $30 billion in aid. In 2008 alone, $3 billion in international aid was delivered on a silver platter to Meles, more than any other nation in sub-Saharan Africa. In March 2011, Howard Taylor, head of the British aid program declared Ethiopia will receive $2 billion in British development assistance. In 2010, the EU delivered £152m to Meles Zenawi.
In December 2010, Human Rights Watch called on the Development Assistance Group (DAG), a coordinating body of 26 foreign donor institutions for Ethiopia to “independently investigate allegations that the Ethiopian government is using development aid for state repression.” In July 2010, a DAG-commissioned study issued a whitewash denying all allegations of improper use of aid. In August 2011, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism and the BBC reported the “Ethiopian government is using millions of pounds of international aid to punish their political opponents.” The report presented compelling evidence of how “aid is being used as a weapon of oppression propping up the government of Meles Zenawi.” Despite numerous documented reports of aid abuse and misuse, Western leaders and governments continue to hide behind a policy of plausible deniability and the massaged and embellished reports of swarms faceless international poverty-mongers creeping invisibly in Ethiopia.
The Center for Global Development in its comprehensive 2012 report cautioned, “The United States could be making a dangerous long-term bet with its assistance dollars by placing so little emphasis on governance in Ethiopia”, and US policymakers should temper their expectations for future development prospects in Ethiopia under the current regime. Sorry, no one is listening at the U.S. State Department, only watching.
Watching truth on the scaffold and wrong on the throne
“America is watching.” But is anybody watching America? The people of Ethiopia are watching America asking, “Is America watching? Watching what?”
The powerful don’t believe the powerless are watching them because they equate powerlessness with blindness. The powerless do watch because that is all they can do. They watch boots pressing down on their necks. They watch crimes committed against them as they sit helplessly with empty stomachs and hearts filled with terror. When Kerry says, “America is watching”, he should be mindful that Ethiopia’s poor and powerless are watching America with outrage on their faces, sorrow in their hearts and resentment in their minds.
I have watched Ethiopia’s “best and brightest” fall silent, deaf and mute watching truth on the scaffold and wrong on the throne. They have been watching the scaffold and throne like bystanders watching a crime scene — horrified, terrified and petrified. Perhaps they should heed Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s counsel, “Silence in the face of evil is itself evil. Not to speak is to speak. Not to act is to act.”
But if Robert Lowell is right, it does not matter who is watching silently, watching peekaboo style, watching by turning a blind eye, watching for the sake of watching or not watching at all, because there is One who standing within the shadow watches the watchers, the watched and the unwatched :

Truth forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne,— Yet that scaffold sways the future, and, behind the dim unknown, Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.