የጅዳ ሸረፍያ እስከ ሽሜሲ የተሰማው የወገን ዋይታ (ነቢዩ ሲራክ)

ፈታኙን ወቅት ለማለፍ …
የሳውዲ የምህረት አዋጅ አልቆ በሪያድ መንፉሃ ላይ አለምን ያሳዘነ ሰቆቃ ተፈጸመ …ስጋት ነግሶ ፣ ኑሮ ከብዶን ጨንቆን ጠቦን ከርመናል ! በዚህ ክፉ ቀን ወገን ወገኑን ለመርዳት ደፋ ቀና በማለቱ ረገድ የሃገሬ ልጅ ከጫፍ እስከ ጫፍ በቁጭት ስሜት ሲንቀሳቀስ የፖለቲካው ትኩሳት ወላፈን እያጓተተን አልሰነበትንም አይባልም። ግልጥልጥ አድርግን እናውራ ካልን የኑሮ ውድነት እና ድህነቱ እየደቆሰን ቢያስቸግረን ከወገን ቤተሰቦቻችን ተለይተን ፣ የእማማ ኢትዮጵያውያን ምድር ለቀን በስደት ስንባዝን በደረሰብን የከፋ አደጋ ለመቋቋም ከምናደርገው ትግል ባልተናነሰ ልዩነትን የሚያገዝፉ መሰናክሎችን ማለፉ የከበደ አበሳ ሆኖብን ሰነባብቷል!
Read story in PDF. የማለዳ ወግ …የጅዳ ሸረፍያ እስከ ሽሜሲ የተሰማው የወገን ዋይታና እዚህ ያደረሰን መንገድ!

Saudi Arabia's foreign labour crackdown drives out 2m migrants

By Ian Black, Guardian   
Ethiopian workers face hostility amid 'Saudisation' campaign to control foreign labour and get more Saudi citizens into work
Under the watchful eyes of Saudi policemen slouched in their squad cars along a rundown street, little knots of Ethiopian men sit chatting on doorsteps and sprawl on threadbare grass at one of Riyadh's busiest junctions. These are tense, wary times in Manfouha, a few minutes' drive from the capital's glittering towers and swanky shopping malls. Manfouha is the bleak frontline in Saudi Arabia's campaign to get rid of its illegal foreign workers, control the legal ones and help get more of its own citizens into work. This month two or three Ethiopians were killed here after a raid erupted into full-scale rioting. Keeping their distance from the officers parked every few hundred metres, the Ethiopians look shifty and sound nervous. "Of course I have an iqama [residence permit]," insisted Ali, a gaunt twentysomething man in cheap leather jacket and jeans. "I wouldn't be standing here if I hadn't." But he didn't have the document on him. And his story, in broken Arabic, kept changing: he was in the process of applying for one; actually, no, his kafeel (sponsor) had it. It didn't sound as if it would convince the police or passport inspection teams prowling the neighbourhood. Until recently, of the kingdom's 30 million residents, more than nine million were non-Saudis. Since the labour crackdown started in March, one million Bangladeshis, Indians, Filipinos, Nepalis, Pakistanis and Yemenis have left. And the campaign has moved into higher gear after the final deadline expired on 4 November, with dozens of repatriation flights now taking place every day. By next year, two million migrants will have gone. No one is being singled out, the authorities say. Illegal workers of 14 nationalities have been detained and are awaiting deportation. But the Ethiopians, many of whom originally crossed into Saudi Arabia from Yemen, are widely portrayed as criminals who are said to be mixed up with alcohol and prostitution. "They'd rather sit here and do nothing than go home because maybe they will get some kind of work," sneered Adel, one of the few Saudis to brave Manfouha's mean streets. "In Ethiopia there is nothing for them." The Ethiopian government said this week that 50,000 of its nationals had already been sent home, with the total expected to rise to 80,000. Every day hundreds more trudge through the gates of the heavily guarded campus of Riyadh's Princess Noora University, awaiting a coach ride to the airport, fingerprinting, a final exit visa and their one-way flight to Addis Ababa. Incidents involving Ethiopians are reported almost obsessively on Twitter and YouTube and across mainstream media outlets. Ethiopians complain in turn of being robbed and beaten, and of routine abuse and mistreatment by their Saudi employers. Protests have been held outside Saudi embassies in several countries. Prejudice is so rife that the Ethiopian ambassador had to insist that the Muslim or Christian beliefs of his compatriots prevented them from practising sorcery. Yet other foreign workers show little sympathy or solidarity. "These people believe this is their country," said Mohamed, a Bangladeshi who runs a petrol station in the centre of Manfouha. "They are big trouble, and dangerous. I've seen them carrying long knives." Mokhtar, a Somali, had no problem with them. "I'm not afraid of the Ethiopians because we are neighbours," he grinned. "But the Saudis are. I have heard the stories about them breaking into houses and I've seen them smashing up cars on this road." Ansar, another Ethiopian who blamed his boss for withholding his iqama, condemned his violent compatriots as kuffar – infidels. Saudi Arabia's addiction to cheap foreign labour goes back to the oil boom and religious awakening of the mid-1970s. In recent years it has come to be seen as an enormous problem that distorts the economy and keeps young people out of the labour market. But the government turned a blind eye and little happened until March. And it remains to be seen whether the notorious kafala (sponsorship) system – responsible for many abuses – can be reformed or replaced. Saudis say one of the biggest problems is foreigners who have fled their original kafeel and effectively disappeared. "We will need two decades to get back to where we were in the 1970s," predicted Turki al-Hamad, a writer who grew up in the eastern city of Dammam, where Saudis used to work in the Aramco oilfields. "We are better off economically than we were then, but much worse off socially." The "regularisation" campaign has had some unintended though probably predictable consequences. The sudden acceleration of departures, both voluntary and forced, has left building sites deserted and corpses unwashed. Some schools have closed due to an absence of caretakers. In Jeddah a septic tank overflowed disastrously because the cleaners had all fled after hearing word of an impending police raid. Rubbish is piling up everywhere. In Medina undocumented foreigners dressed up in robes to blend in and avoid attention. "Two friends of mine were arrested in a furniture shop," said Mohamed Shafi, a driver from Kerala in India. "Their kafeel said it was too expensive to regularise their status so he sacked them. Now they are in a detention centre and there's no way to contact them." Middle-class Saudis bemoan the sudden disappearance of their maids and drivers (an economic necessity for women, who are banned from driving) and find themselves sucked into a costly labyrinth if they try to intervene. "I had to use the black market and I've paid 100,000 riyals [£16,000]) to regularise my workers," complained a British manager. Embassies are being overwhelmed by nationals frantically seeking the documents they need to allow them to leave the country. "You could see this was a disaster waiting to happen," said another European resident. "It just wasn't thought through. It's all about incompetence." In the long term the expulsions should help the wider "Saudisation" programme, based on the nitaqat or quotas for employing Saudis in certain sectors depending on the size of the enterprise. But this is not only about the menial work that pampered Saudis refuse to do. Hundreds of thousands of Europeans, Lebanese, Syrians and Egyptians work in the private sector. According to the latest figures from the IMF, 1.5m of the 2m new jobs created in the last four years went to non-Saudis. Entire areas of the economy are controlled by foreigners. Oil prices are still high and growth enviably healthy but everyone knows that the vast state sector – providing jobs for the boys, if not for the girls – will have to shrink in years to come. Officially unemployment is already 12%; it is probably more than twice that among the two-thirds of the population who are under 30. Every year about 100,000 graduates enter the job market. Technical colleges are now providing vocational training. "Saudisation can only succeed if a company really wants to do it," argued Abdelrahman al-Mutlak, a businessman. "It can't be done by regulation. Too many Saudis still think it's a lot more prestigious to hire a foreigner even if there is perfectly good Saudi candidate available." Economists point out that with fewer foreign workers sending remittances home, more money will stay in the country and help boost consumer spending. Official accounts of the expulsion campaign have an almost apologetic tone and stress the efforts the security forces are making and the difficulties they face. But the Saudi Twittersphere echoes to complaints that Prince Mohammed Bin Nayef, the interior minister (and a likely future king) has been too soft on what one angry tweet called "criminal gangs of Ethio-Israelis". It seems clear that the public is cheering on the government on the foreign labour issue. "It is the right thing to do," said Fawziya al-Bakr, a lecturer. "We've reached the point where people were trading in these workers and women were running away to become prostitutes. This is a problem that has built up over 40 years. It can't just be swept up in nine months. But it has to be done. When everything is legalised it will be easier to control." For Kamel, a Shia businessman from Qatif, in the Eastern province, the expulsions are long overdue. "These people live in ghettoes run by gangsters," he said. "If they are not here legally we don't want them. It just creates problems. They had a period of grace but didn't do anything about it. In Manfouha the Ethiopians started attacking the properties of Pakistanis and Afghans. That was a big mistake. The government says it can solve this problem – so it's really acting tough." Abuses and exploitation More than eight million migrant workers in Saudi Arabia – more than half the entire workforce – fill manual, clerical, and service jobs. "Many suffer abuses and labour exploitation, sometimes amounting to slavery-like conditions," says Human Rights Watch. The kafala system ties foreign workers' residency permits to sponsoring employers whose consent is required for workers to change jobs or leave the country. A Pakistani man employed as a driver, for example, needs permission to work in a shop. Employers often abuse this power in violation of Saudi law to confiscate passports, withhold wages and force migrants to work against their will or on exploitative terms. Thousands work illegally under the so-called "free visa" arrangement, with Saudis posing as sponsoring employers and importing workers to staff fictitious businesses. Workers who enter Saudi Arabia under this scheme work outside the regulatory system for companies and businesses that are happy to avoid official scrutiny while the worker pays often extortionate annual and monthly fees to the free-visa sponsor to renew residency and work permits.

Ethiopia, Kenya win to share top spot

Nairobi (AFP) - Favourites Ethiopia and Kenya register identical 3-1 wins over Zanzibar and South Sudan Saturday to move level on points in Group A of the Cecafa Challenge Cup Championship.
Ethiopia dominated the first half with their attacking football as their strikers caused havoc with their pace. Yassin Salah went close to giving them the lead after only two minutes but he shot agonisingly over the bar. Three minutes later skipper Fasika Asfaw made no mistake when he tapped in the ball from close range. The Ethiopians increased their lead in the 37th minute when Salahadin Bargicho, who proved a thorn in Zanzibar's side, slotted home from the penalty spot after Manaye Fantu was fouled. Bargicho, however, received a second booking and will miss Ethiopia's next game against South Sudan in Machakos on Tuesday. Zanzibar pulled one back through captain Awadh Juma in the 68th minute but subtitute Rashid Kebede's 86th minute strike put the result beyond doubt for the three-time champions, who are tied on four points with Kenya in Group A. Kenya squandered numerous scoring chances against minnows South Sudan, who are virtually out of the tournament having lost their first two matches. A Jockins Atudo penalty in the 16th minute brought relief to the anxious home crowd, who could only watch with agony three minutes later when the Sudanese drew level from skipper Justin Lado's free-kick. Kenya's footballer of the year Jacob Keli restored their lead in 29th minute with a header. Keli, who had an outstanding game, also missed a penalty after he had been fouled by Sudan goalkeeper Derete Alemu, who narrowly escaped being shown a red card for the harsh challenge. Substitute David Owino scored from a solo move in the 77th minute to seal Kenya's victory.

የትምህርት ተቌማት የእውቀት ወይስ የፖለቲካ ሜዳ!?

ከቅዱስ ዮሃንስ
ትምህርት ዜጎችን ሁለንተናዊ በሆነ መልኩ በመቅረጽ ለራሳቸው፣ ለማህበረሰባቸውና ለሃገራቸው ጠቃሚ ዜጋ እንዲሆኑ የሚያግዝ የእውቀት ማሸጋገርያ ስልት ነው፡፡ ዛሬ በስልጣኔ የገሰገሱ የአለም ሀገራት የዕድገታቸው ዋነኛ መነሻ ትምህርት ምርምርና የቴክኖሎጂ ሽግግር ነው። ግብርና፣ ኢንዱስትሪ፣ የአገልግሎት ፓኬጅም ሆነ ሌሎች የኢኮኖሚ ዘርፎች በዘመናዊ አኳሃን እንዲመነደጉ ከተፈለገ በተግባር የታገዘ፣ ፈጠራና ክህሎትን የሚያዳብር ጥራት ያለው ትምህርት እጅግ ወሳኝ ነው፡፡
የትምህርት መሰረት በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ መጣል ከጀመረ ከመቶ ዓመታት በላይ የተቆጠረ ሲሆን ከሁለተኛው አለም ጦርነት በፊት ትምህርት የሚሰጠው በመንግስትና በሃይማኖት ተቋማት ዙርያ ለአስተዳደራዊ ክህሎት፣ ለቀኖናና ለሃይማኖት እውቀት ሲባል እንደነበረ ጥናቶች ይገልጻሉ፡፡ ከሁለተኛው ዓለም ጦርነት በኋላ የአፄ ሃይለ ስላሴ ስርዓት ዘመናዊ ትምህርትን በተደራጀ መልኩ በትምህርት ቤቶች ውስጥ እንዲሰጡ ሁኔታዎችን ያመቻቸ ቢሆንም የትምህርት ቤቶች እድገት ከማህበረሰቡም ሆነ ከሃይማኖት ተቋማት በገጠመው ተጽእኖ ምክንያት የመስፋፋቱ እድል አዝጋሚ ሆኖ ቆይቷል፡፡ በደርግ ወቅቱም ቢሆን የነበረው አጣዳፊ ጉዳይ አብዮቱ በመሆኑ በመማርና ማስተማር ላይ የነበሩትን መምህራንና ተማሪዎች በነቂስ አሰልፎ አብዮቱን ለማስተዋወቅ በሚል ሰበብ ወደ እድገት በሕብረት የዕውቅትና የስራ ዘመቻ አዘመተ፡፡ ከብዙ ጥረት በኋላ እራሱን በጥቂቱም ቢሆን ማጎልበት የጀመረው የትምህርት ስርዓት ከባድ ፈተና ውስጥ ወደቀ፡፡ በማያባራ ዘመቻ፣ ግድያ፣ አፈናና ጦርነት ተተብትቦ እራሱን ፋታ የተነሳው ደርግ፤ በቂ ትምህርት ቤቶችን ለመገንባትና መምህራንን ለማብቃት ጊዜ አልነበረውም፡፡ በዚህም ምክንያት መምህር አልነበሩም፡፡ ትምህርት ቤቶችና ለመማር ማስተማር ሂደቱ በሚያስፈልጉ ግብአቶችና ቁሳቁሶች አልተሟሉም፡፡ የትምህርት ስርዓቱ በአጠቃላይ እርቃኑን እንደቀረ ነበር፡፡ ይህንንም ተከትሎ የኢትዮጵያ የትምህርት ስርዓተ ውድቀት አንድ ተብሎ ተጀመረ፡፡
የኢትዮጵያን የትምህርት ስርዓት ተብትበውና ቀስፈው የያዙት ችግሮች ከደርግ ጋር ተዳብለው ስር እየሰደዱ ቆይተው፣ ዛሬም በኢህአዴግ ውስጥ በመሸጋገር ማጣፊያ እንዳጠራቸው ቀጥለዋል ፡፡ የመማር ማስተማር ሂደቱ በደርግ ስርዓት የለከፈው የማጥራት ሳይሆን በማብዛት፣ በማዳረስ ላይ የመተማመን በሽታ ዛሬም ወያኔን ቀስፎ እንደያዘው ይገኛል፡፡ ትምህርትን ለሁሉም ዜጐች በስፋት የማድረስ ተልዕኮን እንደያዘ የሚያስበው ወያኔ፤ የትምህርቱን የጥራት ደረጃ ለዚህ ግቡ ሲል እየጨፈለቀው ስለመሆኑ ብዙ ጥናቶች አረጋግጠዋል። ሀገሪቱ ካስቀመጠችው አነስተኛ ማለፊያ ነጥብ እጅግ ያነሰ ውጤት የሚያመጡ ተማሪዎች ከመጀመሪያ እስከ ሁለተኛ ደረጃ ባሉት የትምህርት እርከኖች ቁጥራቸው እየበዛ መምጣቱ ሳያንስ፤ ወደ መሰናዶ ትምህርት የገቡት በሙሉ ለሙሉ በሚባል መልኩ ወደ ዩኒቨርስቲ የሚገቡበት አሳፋሪ ሁኔታ ተፈጥሯል። ለየትምህርት ክፍሎቹ በማይመጥኑ መምህራን መማር፣ በአነስተኛ ደረጃ መሟላት ይገባቸው የነበሩት የትምህርት መሳሪያዎች እጦት አልፎም የአካዳሚያዊ ነፃነት በፖለቲካዊው ስርዓት በጥልቁ መጣስ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ትምህርት ተቋማት መሰረታዊ መለዮ ሆኗል። የዚህ ፅሁፍ ዋና ትኩረት የትምህርት ስርአቱን ቀስፈው የያዙት ችግሮችን አንድ በአንድ ነቅሶ ማሳየትና መዳሰስ ሳይሆን፤ ለስርአቱ ውድቀት በተለይም ለጥራቱ ዝቅጠት ግንባር ቀደም መንስኤዏች ተብለው ከሚፈረጁት መካከል ትምህርትን ለፖለቲካ ፍጆታ መጠቀም ላይ ትኩረት ያደርጋል።
የወያኔ መንግስት ትምህርትና የትምህርት ተቋማትን ለፖለቲካ ፍጆታ በመጠቀም ላይ ይገኛል፡፡ በአሁኑ ወቅት የመምህራን አመራረጥ በተለይም ለከፍተኛ ትምህርት አስተማሪነት የሚታጩ መምህራን የመለኪያው ዋና መስፈርት የፖለቲካ አቋም መሆኑን መመልከት ይቻላል። ወያኔ በዘረጋው የትምህርት ዘርፍ ከሁለተኛ ደረጃ ት/ቤት ጀምሮ እስከ ከፍተኛ ተቋማት ድረስ መምህራን የሚመለመሉት በፖለቲካ መስፈርት ነው። በነዚህ የትምህርት ደረጃዎች ችግሮች በቀጥታ ከትምህርት ጋር የተያያዙ መሆናቸው እየቀረ ፖለቲካዊ ይዘት እየተጎናፀፉ መጥተዋል፡፡ የወያኔ የካድሬ እንቁላል መጣል እና የረጅም ጊዜ አሕዳዊ አገዛዝ ፍላጎት የራስ መከላከል ሥራዎች በይፋ ይጀመራሉ፡፡ ባለፈው በደርግ ስርዓት ውስጥም ትምህርቱ ከሶሻሊዝም ርዕዩተ ዓለም ውጪ አልነበረም። አሁንም ቢሆን ትምህርትና ተቋማት በፖለቲካውና በአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ርዕዮተ -ዓለም የተቃኙ ናቸው። ከዚህም በላይ መንግስት ዩኒቨርስቲ መክፈትን እንደ ፖለቲካዊ አፍ የማዘጊያ ስልት ተጠቅሞ የፖለቲካ ድጋፍና ታማኝነትን እንደማግኛ መሳሪያ እየተገለገለበት ነው፡፡ ዛሬ በሃገራችን ቁጥራቸው በርከት ያሉ ዩኒቨርስቲዎች ተገንብተው አገልግሎት በመስጠት ላይ መገኘታቸው እሰይ የሚያስብል ቢሆንም እጅግ አሳዛኙ ነገር ግን ሁሉም ተቋማት በፖለቲካ ተተብትበው የእውቀት አምባ መሆናቸው ቀርቶ የካድሬ መፈልፈያ ተቋማት መሆናቸው ነው። ይህም የትምህርት ጥራቱን እንዲያሽቆለቁል አድርጐታል።
ወያኔ በዩኒቨርስቲዎች እና በሁለተኛ ደረጃ ትምህርት ቤቶች ውስጥ ያሉ ተማሪዎች በነጻነት እንዲያስቡ አይፈለግም፤ አይፈቀድምም፡፡ እንኳን ተማሪዎቹ ይቅርና መምህራኑ ጭምር በነጻነት የሚያስተምሩትን ለመምረጥ አይደፍሩም፡፡ በንድፈ-ሐሳብ ደረጃ ለተማሪዎቻቸው የሚያስተላልፉትን እውቀት ሀገሪቷ ላይ ካለ ነባራዊ ሁኔታ አንጻር ተንትኖ ለማስረዳት የሚደፍሩት ጥቂቶች ብቻ ናቸው፡፡ ክፍል ውስጥ ለሚያስተምሩትም ሆነ ለሚናገሩት ነገር ልክ በቤተ ክህነት ውስጥ የአምላክን ቃል እንደሚሰብክ ሰባኪ ጥንቃቄን ማድረግ ግድ ይላቸዋል። ይህ ሁሉ የሚሆነው የተዘረጋውን አስጨናቂ የአምባገነን ስርአት ከመፍራት፤ የተናገሩት ነገር ገዥው ፓርቲን የሚነቅፍ (የማይደግፍ) ከሆነ ያለአግባብ ስም ተለጥፎባቸው የእንጅራ ገመዳቸውን ስለሚበጠስ ነው። በለፈለፉ ባፍ ይጠፉ ይባል የለ። ከክፍል ውጪም በተቋማቱ አመራሮች ለሚፈፀሙ የአሰራር ስህተቶች እና በደሎች ለመተቸት እምብዛም ፈቃደኛ አይደሉም፡፡ ምክንያቱም አመራር ተብለው የሚሾሙት የትምህርት ተቌማት ባስልጣናት የተሻለ እውቀትና ልምድ ያላቸው ሰዎች ሳይሆኑ የመንግስት ቀኝ እጅ በመሆን የሚያገለግሉት የወያኔ ግልገል ካድሬ ናቸው። እነዚህ አካላት በሚያስተዳድሩት መምህራን ላይ ኢፍትሃዊ እርምጃ ቢወስዱም ማንም ሃይ ባይ የላቸውም።
ተማሪዎች በአብዛኛው ለትምህርታቸው የሚሰጡት ትኩረት እና ውጤታቸው ምንም አያስጨንቃቸው፤ ደንታቸውም አደለምም ለማለት ያስደፍራል። ከዚህ ይልቅ የወጣቶች ሊግ እና ማንኛውንም የመሪው ፓርቲ ተደራሽነት የሚያሳድጉ/የሚያጠናክሩ ሥራዎች ላይ ንቁ ተሳታፊ በመሆን ታትረው ይሰራሉ። ይህም በጓደኞቻቸው ላይ የበላይነትን እንዲያገኙ ከማድረጉም በላይ ተሰሚነትን በትምህርት ቤት ኃላፊዎች ያስገኝላቸዋል፤ ከበድ ሲልም የንግድ እና የፖለቲካ ሥራ እንዲያገኙ ይመቻችላቸዋል፡፡ ይህ በትምህርት ዘርፍ ላይ የተዘረጋው ስርዓት ለተማሪዎች የሚያስተላልፈው መልእክት ግልፅ ነው፡፡ በትምህርት ተግቶ እውቀት ሸምቶ ሀገሪቷን ለመጥቀም ከመታተር ይልቅ ርካሽ የፖለቲካ ተወዳጅነት ማግኘት የስኬት መንገድ አቋራጭ መሆኑን ነው፡፡ ለትምህርት ትኩረት መስጠት ያለውን ጥቅም ተረድተው ይሻለኛል ብለው የሕይወት መስመራቸውን የሚያስተካክሉት ተማሪዎች ቁጥር እጅግ በሚያሳዝን ሁኔታ አሽቆልቁሏል።
በአሁኑ ወቅት ወያኔ በመላ ሀገሪቱ ውስጥ ከሚገኙ የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት ከሚማሩት ውስጥ 85% የሚሆኑ አባላት እንዳሉት እና በእያንዳንዱ የትምህርት ክፍሎች ውስጥ ህዋስ እንደዘረጋ ይገልፃል፡፡ እንግዲህ ይህ ፐርሰንት በመመልከት አብዛኞቹ የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት ተማሪዎች የስርዓቱ አካል እና አስፈጻሚ እንደሆኑ መናገር ይቻላል፡፡ እጅግ አሳዛኙ እውነታው ግን እነዚህ ሁሉ አባላት ወደ ድርጅቱ የተቀላቀሉት በፍላጐት ሳይሆን በግዳጅ ብሎም በሃገሪቱ የተዘረጋው አላፈናፍን ያለው አስጨናቂው ስርአት የሚያስከትልባቸውን የከፋ መዘዝ ለመሸሽ ከመፈለግ መሆኑ ነው። ከዚህ ጋር ተያይዞ በዩንቨርስቲዎች ውስጥ እየታየ ያለው አዲስ ገፅታ፤ የተማሪዎች ጊዜያቸውን በህዋስ ውይይት እና ግምገማ ማዋላቸው፣ ከአባላት ሁሉ ልቆ ለመታየት የሚደረግ ጥረት፣ ከትምህርት ውጤታቸው ይልቅ፤ በአባልነታቸው ወደሚሰጣቸውን ነጥብ መጨነቅና አብዝቶ ማተኮር፣ ሲብስም የትምህርት ጊዜያቸውን መሉ በሙሉ ለማለት በሚያስደፍር መልኩ ለፓርቲ ተግባራት በማዋል የመጡበትን ዋነኛ የትምህርት አላማ በመሸሽ፤ ብቁ የካድሬ ምሩቃን ሆነው ለመውጣት ወ.ዘ.ተ መሽቀዳደም የተማሪዎች መገለጫዎች ናቸው፡፡ ይህም የተሻለ ስራ እንዲያገኙ ያግዛቸዋል፤ በተቃራኒው ይህንን የሚሸሹ ምሩቃን ለስራ ማጣት እና ለከፋ ችግር እየተጋለጡ ይገኛሉ።
በመጨረሻም መንግስት ትምህርትና ተቋማቱን የፖለቲካ ሜዳ ከማድረግ መታቀብ አለበት፤ ከካድሬዎችም ነፃ ማድረግና የእውቀት አምባ ብቻ ሆነው መቀጠል ይኖርባቸዋል። በዘርፉ ያለው የፖለቲካ ጣልቃ ገብነት መስተካከል እንደሚገባው፣ ተማሪዎችና መምህራኖች አካዳሚክ ነፃነት ማግኘት እንዳለባቸው፣ ተቋማቱ ዕውቀት የሚገበይባቸው እንጂ የፖለቲካ ማራመጃ ሜዳ መሆን እንደሌለባቸው፣ የትምህርት ሥራ ሙያ እንጂ ፖለቲካ አለመሆኑ፣ እንዲሁም በመልካም ተምሳሌትነት ሊጠቀሱ የሚገቡ የልሂቃን /Elite/ ት/ቤቶችና ዩኒቨርስቲዎች ሊፈጠሩ ይገባል። ትምህርት በዋናነት መፍትሄ ሰጪ ዕውቀት ካላስጨበጠና ችግር ፈቺ መሳሪያ ካልሆነ ለብዙሃኑ እንደሚታደል መሰረታዊ ሸቀጥ ካየነው አደጋው የከፋ የሀገር እድገት እንቅፋት ከመሆን የዘለለ ሚና እንደማይጫወት ይታወቃል፡፡ ስለዚህ የትምህርት ስርአታችን ከተደቀነበት ከፖለቲካ ተፅዕኖ ማላቀቅ ግድ ነው። ይህ ብቻ ሲሆን አምራችና በእውቀት የዳበረ ዜጋ ማፍራት ይቻላል። ትምህርት ቤቶች (ከፍተኛ የትምህርት ተቋማትን ጨምሮ) በግልፅም ሆነ በስውር የአንድ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ወይም ገዥ አካል ፖለቲካዊ አጀንዳ ማስፈፀሚያ መሆን የለባቸውም፡፡ ይህ ከሆነ ግን አሁን በሃገራችን እየተስተዋለ እንዳለው ውድቀቱ የከፋ ነው።
ኢትዮጵያችን በክብር ለዘላለም ትኑር!!!
ለአስተያየትዎ: kiduszethiopia@gmail.com ይጠቀሙ።

Saudi Arabia: Labor Crackdown Violence (Human Rights Watch)

Human Rights Watch
Ethiopian Workers Allege Attacks, Poor Detention Conditions
(Beirut) –  Ethiopian migrant workers have been the victims of physical assaults, some of them fatal, inSaudi Arabia following a government crackdown on foreign workers. Many workers seeking to return home are being held in makeshift detention centers without adequate food or shelter.
Human Rights Watch spoke to five Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia. Four Ethiopians in Riyadh told Human Rights Watch that the attacks began after November 4, 2013, when authorities resumed a campaign to arrest foreign workers who they claim are violating labor laws. Security forces have arrested or deported tens of thousands of workers. Saudi officials and state-controlled media have said that migrant workers have also been responsible for violence, including attacks on Saudi citizens, in the wake of the crackdown.
“Saudi authorities have spent months branding foreign workers as criminals in the media, and stirring up anti-migrant sentiment to justify the labor crackdown,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director. “Now the Saudi government needs to rein in Saudi citizens who are attacking foreign workers.”
Saudi authorities should immediately investigate assaults on Ethiopian and other migrant workers by security forces and Saudi citizens, and hold those responsible for violent crimes to account, Human Rights Watch said. Saudi and Ethiopian authorities should work to speedily repatriate undocumented foreign workers waiting in makeshift holding centers, if they have no fear of returning home, and ensure that they get adequate food, shelter, and medical care.
The most violent attacks occurred on the evening of November 9 in areas around the Manfouha neighborhood of southern Riyadh, where Ethiopian residents make up a majority of residents, according to local activists. Two Ethiopian migrant workers told Human Rights Watch that they saw groups of people they assumed to be Saudi citizens armed with sticks, swords, machetes, and firearms, attack foreign workers.
One of the Ethiopians, a 30-year-old supervisor at a private company, said he heard shouts and screams from the street, and left his home near Manfouha to see what was happening. When he arrived near Bank Rajahi on the road to the Yamama neighborhood, west of Manfouha, he saw a large group of Ethiopians crying and shouting around the dead bodies of three Ethiopians, one of whom he said had been shot, and two others who had been beaten to death. He said six others appeared to be badly injured.
He said he saw Saudis whom he called shabab (“young men” in Arabic), and uniformed security forces attack the Ethiopians who had gathered. The shabab were using swords and machetes, while some of the uniformed officers were beating the migrants with metal police truncheons, and other officers were firing bullets into the air to disperse the crowd. He said that he narrowly escaped serious injury when a Saudi man swung a sword at his head. It missed, but hit his arm, requiring stitches to close the wound.
The other Ethiopian witness, a 26-year-old undocumented day laborer who lives in Manfouha, told Human Rights Watch that he was sitting among a group of 23 Ethiopians in a private home on Street 20 on the evening of November 9 when a group of 20 shabab with machetes and pistols broke down the door and attacked the people inside. He and five other Ethiopians escaped by climbing to the roof, but he does not know what happened to the other 17 men.
Another Ethiopian worker who lives nearby, but who did not witness the violence, told Human Rights Watch that on the afternoon of November 9, he was sitting inside the Ethiopian community center and school compound five kilometers from Manfouha when 35 Ethiopian men came to the center.
The Ethiopian men said that groups of armed men were forcing their way into homes in Manfouha, removing the men, and holding the women inside. The person who spoke with Human Rights Watch said that the men showed him as proof a mobile phone video they said they surreptitiously filmed from a distance that appeared to show a Saudi man raping one of the Ethiopian men’s wives. He said the group told him that 10 other women were missing.
Since the evening of November 9, Ethiopian activists have circulated dozens of YouTube videos and other photos purporting to show Saudi men in civilian clothes and security forces attacking Ethiopian workers in Manfouha. Human Rights Watch cannot confirm the authenticity of these videos, though the incidents they purport to show largely match the witness accounts.
Saudi authorities should ensure that all incidents of apparent use of violence and abuse in Manfouha are swiftly and transparently investigated, and that anyone who committed a crime is brought to justice, including members of the security forces, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should both address any unnecessary and unlawful use of force by security forces and take steps to prevent ordinary citizens from harassing or molesting migrants based on suspicions that they are violating labor laws.
Some Saudi sources blame the migrants for instigating the violence. Arab News, a local English-language newspaper, said that Saudi security forces entered Manfouha on the evening of November 9 to restore the peace after a group of Ethiopian men “went on a rampage in anger at the Kingdom’s ongoing campaign against illegal foreign workers.” It stated that one Saudi man died after “rioters” hit him with rocks, and that the 65 injured were “mostly Saudis and legal residents.” The Sabq news website reported on November 14 that Ethiopian migrants had stabbed to death a 14-year-old Saudi boy in Manfouha, reportedly asking him, “Are you Saudi?” before attacking him.
The five Ethiopian migrant workers who spoke to Human Rights Watch said that many undocumented Ethiopian workers in Manfouha have turned themselves in to the authorities since November 9, fearing violence from police and groups of Saudi citizens. One worker described the atmosphere in Manfouha as a “battleground.” The Ethiopian ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Muhammed Hassan Kabiera, toldArab News on November 13 that at least 23,000 Ethiopians, many from the Manfouha area, had surrendered to Saudi authorities for repatriation.
The Ethiopian workers said that authorities transported the Ethiopians to makeshift holding facilities across the area, including a large wedding hall and the campus of Princess Nora Bint Abdul Rahman University. One man told Human Rights Watch that he visited the wedding hall and saw thousands of foreign workers detained there, men in one area, and women and children in another, both inside and outside the building.
He said that Saudi guards give the detainees only one small meal of rice per day, and provide no access to medical attention. He said that other Ethiopians in the neighborhood are trying to help the detainees by bringing food, and that many at the hall had been left without shelter during recent heavy rainfall in Riyadh. One Ethiopian in Riyadh said he escaped from the wedding hall after officials held him in an area outside the building for 10 days, failing to supply the detainees with sufficient food, which forced them to buy food from Saudi guards.
Two Ethiopians in Riyadh told Human Rights Watch that people they knew who turned themselves in had not known that authorities would hold them in makeshift detention centers. They said that Saudi officials told them they would take them directly to Ethiopia. Saudi police officials say that the kingdom is spending one million Saudi Riyals (US$267,000) per day to house and feed thousands of detained Ethiopians.
On November 19, the Ethiopian foreign minister, Dr. Tedros Adhanom, announced that the government is doing “everything possible to repatriate citizens from Saudi Arabia within 14 to 25 days.”
“Saudi authorities say they are carrying out a crackdown on migrant workers humanely, but keeping thousands of people in makeshift centers without adequate food, shelter, or medical attention could lead to humanitarian disaster,” Stork said. “Saudi officials should release the detainees or send them home immediately.”
Migrant Worker Campaign Background
Over nine million migrant workers in Saudi Arabia–more than half the work force–ill manual, clerical, and service jobs. Many suffer multiple abuses and labor exploitation, sometimes amounting to forced labor, Human Rights Watch said.
Saudi officials say that the ongoing labor crackdown against foreign workers, which includes road checkpoints and raids on businesses, is part of Saudi Arabia’s effort to combat high levels of unemployment among Saudi citizens by opening jobs previously filled by undocumented workers. Those targeted include workers who do not have the proper residency or work permits, and workers who are caught working for an employer who is not their legal sponsor. According to local media outlets, authorities have arrested and deported thousands of workers since November 4.
The violence between Saudis and Ethiopians follows months of local press reports blaming Ethiopian female domestic workers for brutal attacks against Saudi employers. In July, Saudi officials claimed that over 200 Ethiopian women had been detained in two months for “psychological problems,” leading the labor ministry to temporarily ban the recruitment of Ethiopian workers to the country.
In October, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in turn, stopped processing applications for Ethiopians to travel to Saudi Arabia, citing concerns over poor labor conditions for Ethiopian migrants.
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly called on the Saudi government to abolish aspects of the kafala or “sponsorship” system that create conditions for abuse, including rules requiring a worker to obtain permission from his or her employer to change jobs or leave the country. These rules leave foreign workers with little option for redress in cases of abuse or labor violations and force them into under-the-table work.