Sunday, August 4, 2013

በኦሮሚያ አርሲ ዞን የሟቾች ቁጥር 11 ደርሰ!

     አንዲት ሴት እና ህጻን ልጅ ከሟቾቹ ውስጥ ይገኙበታል!
ትናንት ማለዳ ጀምሮ የመንግስት ታጣቂዎች በኦሮሚያ ክልል አርሲ ዞን ገብተው በሰነዘሩት ጥቃት የሟቾች ቁጥር 11 ደርሰ፡፡ ከሻሸመኔ እስከ ኮፈሌ እና ዶዶላ ድረስ በሚያካልለው በዚህ የመንግስት ወታደሮች ጥቃት ከፍተኛ ጉዳት የደረሰባቸው እና የታሰሩ ሰዎች ቁጥርም በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ አሻቅቧል፡፡ በእለተ ቅዳሜ ምንም አይነት ተቃውሞም ሆነ መሰል እንቅስቃሰሴዎች በማይካሄድበት እና ባልተካሄደበት እለት የመንግስት ወታደሮች እስከገጠር ቀበሌዎች ድረስ ዘልቆ በመግባት ያለርህራሄ የቀጥታ ጥይት በመጠቀም የአካባቢውን ዜጎች ሲገድሉ ውለዋል፡፡
የመንግስት ቴሌቪዥን በተለመደ መልኩ ‹‹ጂሀድ ሲቀሰቅሱ እርምጃ ተወሰደባቸው›› የሚል ዜና ያሰራጨ ሲሆን የሞቱት ሰዎች ቁጥርም 3 ብቻ መሆኑን ገልጾ ነበር፡፡ መንግስት ቀድሞ በታሰበበት መልኩ በአካባቢው ከፍተኛ የወታደር ሰፈራ በማድረግና በተጠንቀቅ በማስቆም በፌዴራል ፖሊስ፣ አድማ በታኝ እና በወታደሮች በመታጀብ በአካባቢው ሕዝብ ላይ ከማለዳ ጀምሮ ጥቃት ሰንዝሯል፡፡ አራት ኦራል መኪኖች ላይ የተጫኑ ወታደሮች አካባቢውን በመክበብ መስጂዶች እና መኖሪያ ቤቶች ላይ ጭምር ጥይት ሲተኩሱ እንደነበር የታወቀ ሲሆን በዚሁም የአካባበውን ታዋቂ የሃይማኖት መምህር፣ አንዲት ሴት እና ህጻን ልጅን ጨምሮ የሟቾች ቁጥር 10 ደርሷል፡፡ የፌዴራል ፖሊስ አባላት የራሳቸውን መኪና መስታወት በመሳሪያ ሰደፋቸው በመስበር ‹‹ሕዝቡ ሰበረው›› የሚል ፕሮፖጋንዳ ለመስራት የሚያስችል ጥረት ሲያደርጉም ታይተዋል፡፡
መንግስት ምላሽ መስጠት የተሳነውን ሕገ መንግስታዊ የህዝብ ጥያቄ በጥይት በዚህ መልኩ ምላሽ ሲሰጥ ይህ የመጀመሪያው አይደለም፡፡ ባለፈው አመት በአርሲ ዞን አሳሳ ላይ ተመሳሳይ ጥቃት ፈጽሞ አራት ሰዎች መገደላቸው ይታወቃል፡፡ ከዚያም በመቀጠል በአማራ ክልል ገርባ ከተማና በሐረር ኢማን መስጂድ ላይ ተመሳሳይ ጥቃት ፈጽሞ በድምሩ ከ13 ሰዎች በላይ ህይወታቸው በመንግስት ታጣቂዎች ጥይት ተቀጥፏል፡፡ መንግስት የገደላቸውን ሰዎች በሙሉ ‹‹ለጂሃድ ሲያነሳሱ ገደልኳቸው›› የሚል ማስተባበያ ሲሰጥ ቢቆይም ተቀባይነት ሳያገኝ ቀርቷል፡፡ አሁንም ይህ የመንግስት ጭካኔ የተሞላበት ጥቃት ቀጥሏል፡፡
አሁንም ሙስሊሙ ኅብረተሰብ መንግስት ሊፈጥር እያሰበ ያለውን ተጨማሪ ኹከት በመገንዘብና ሊፈጠር የሚችለውን አደጋ በማሰብ የመንግስትን ትንኮሳ ቸል እንዲልና በትእግስት እንዲያሳልፍ አስቸኳይ መልእክት እናስተላልፋለን፡፡ የመንግስት ቀዳሚው ፍላጎት መጀመሪያ እንደታየውም ኹከትና ግጭት በመፍጠርና ጥፋት በማድረስ፣ ሙስሊሙን ኅብረተሰብ ለመወንጀልና ለፕሮፖጋንዳ ፍጆታ ለመጠቀም በመሆኑና ይህም በሁሉም ዘንድ የሚታወቅ በመሆኑ፤ መንግስት ኹከት ሲቀሰቅስ በቸልታና አይቶ በማሳለፍ በመንግስት ወጥመድ ላለመውደቅ ሁሉም ጥረት እንዲያደርግ እንጠይቃለን፡፡ ከምንም በላይ ሰላማዊነታችን ዋጋ የምንሰጠው መሆኑን ሁላችንም ከግንዛቤ በመክተት ሰላማችንን ሊነጥቁ የሚመጡ ኃይሎን በሰላም ብቻ እነድንመልሳቸው አደራ እንላለን፡፡
አላሁ አክበር!

Ethiopia’s Resurgence: Integrating Patriotic and Progressive Movements

By Tesfaye Demmellash (PhD)

In the course of the Revolution and in its wake and over the last two decades of ethnic feudalism, being an Ethiopian patriot and a progressive at the same time has been difficult. True, many of our revolutionaries were patriots, and identity politics may not always be unpatriotic. But our political culture of progressivism as a whole has been marked, be it in effect or in intent, by indifference, hostility even, toward Ethiopian nationalism. As teramajoch, we have often embraced modern political ideas like democracy, self-determination, and equality in a way that is incongruent with old-fashioned love of country, seeing political modernity as the simple reverse or negation of the Ethiopian national tradition. We have generally not carried patriotism with us in our revolutionary consciousness.
On the other side, as patriots, we are inclined to stress historic Ethiopian nationality or identity in a manner that does not always resonate with the contemporary, ideas-based, development of Ethiopiawinnet in the context of social and cultural diversity and globalization. This is particularly true today in that we find ourselves in a defensive patriotic position in the face of an externally assisted systematic assault of Woyane state ethnicism on our national being and on our sense of ourselves as Ethiopians. In giving free rein to the immediacies of our patriotic passion, we tend to limit our ability to practice longer-term, strategically attuned politics and to function on a broader, more enlightened level of national engagement.

I have personally felt a tension between critical, forward-looking conceptual thought on the Ethiopian tradition and on its transformation and development, on the one hand, and the lived experience and joy of simply being Ethiopiawi, on the other. Ever since the Student Movement, I have been troubled by the mutual exclusions and oppositions of politics based on progressive theory and Ethiopian national sentiments and values rooted in history.
I believe this incongruity between sensuous Ethiopian nationality and progressive intellectual and political socialization to restraint of patriotism is not merely an issue that I personally have grappled with. I am convinced that it is a problem many Ethiopians of the revolutionary generation have had to wrestle with as well, although many others of that generation have simply and unaccountably walked away from the problem. More importantly, I see the tension between a firm patriotic heart and an equally firm progressive mind as a dialectic which will figure centrally in the realization of Ethiopia’s resurgence.
Imperative of Patriotic-Progressive Ties
Connections between historically rooted national allegiance and pride and contemporary articulate ideas and goals of teramaj politics are crucial in the Ethiopian struggle against TPLF partisan-tribal dictatorship and for a more just and democratic political order in the post-Woyane era. The meeting between real, experienced Ethiopiawinnet – manifested in meaningful sentiments, values, images, symbols, and cultural practices – and forward-looking political conceptualization, agenda, and action is a vital encounter which has great promise for Ethiopia’s comeback.
Now, whatever its past achievements or present potential, teramaj politica has created a lot of disenchantment among Ethiopians. We are hesitant today to identify ourselves as “teramajoch” because the label has had such troubled and troubling association with hostility toward Ethiopian nationalism. We now know painfully well how far over the top the old model of progressive politics has gone in criticizing and opposing the Ethiopian national tradition. A follower of the model in its own narrow ethnonationalist way, the TPLF party-state machine is the last and uniquely most anti-Ethiopian link in the chain of “radical” teramaj political forces that stretches back to ultra-left dogmatic factions within the Student Movement. This chain of political forces has kept Ethiopia in shackles for decades now.
To note the deep flaws of the supposedly radical form of our progressive experience as I do here, to be fully aware of its excesses and limitations, is not to discount entirely the ideas and goals which inspired the experience. The ideas and goals as such still have wide appeal in the country today – among opposition parties and coalitions, intellectual strata, activists, civic organizations, and media groups. So any political force that seeks to galvanize the Ethiopian people and lead the country’s resurgence must develop a broad national consensus that blends patriotic and progressive movements. But, as a condition of possibility of their dynamic, mutually energizing integration, patriotism and the progressive way must be understood and approached anew, distinctly and in their ties and relations.
Patriotism
Love of country is an ideal or emotion that makes progressives and liberals anywhere uneasy. They generally associate it with jingoistic nationalism, xenophobia, and unthinking loyalty to the nation-state. Separatist ethnic fronts in Ethiopia have imagined and portrayed Ethiopian nationalism simply as Amhara chauvinism and oppression of other ethnic groups. Some of the most repulsive actual features of nationalism include colonialism, fascism, racism, and certain forms of tribalism.
However, we cannot equate patriotism as such with its abhorrent variants or features. We cannot say it is the sum of its flaws and problems, nothing more. The fact is that patriotism, as a set of attitudes, values, sentiments, and dispositions makes itself felt in different