Saturday, April 26, 2014

Ethiopia’s ‘villagisation’ scheme fails to bear fruit


Residents say government has not delivered on resettlement promise of land, clean water and livestock

by William Davison, from Gambella
The orderly village of Agulodiek in Ethiopia’s western Gambella region stands in stark contrast to Elay, a settlement 5km west of Gambella town, where collapsed straw huts strewn with cracked clay pots lie among a tangle of bushes.
Ethiopian government's contentious "villagisation" scheme
In the village of Elay, people are defying the government and returning home. Photograph: William Davison
Agulodiek is a patch of land where families gradually gathered of their own accord, while Elay is part of the Ethiopian government’s contentious “villagisation” scheme that ended last year. The plan in Gambella was to relocate almost the entire rural population of the state over three years. Evidence from districts surrounding Gambella town suggest the policy is failing.
Two years ago people from Agulodiek moved to Elay after officials enticed them with promises of land, livestock, clean water, a corn grinder, education and a health clinic. Instead they found dense vegetation they were unable to cultivate. After one year of selling firewood to survive, they walked back home.
“All the promises were empty,” says Apwodho Omot, an ethnic Anuak, sitting in shade at Agulodiek. There is a donor-funded school at the village whose dirt paths are swept clear of debris, and the government built a hand pump in 2004 that still draws water from a borehole. Apwodho’s community says they harvest corn twice a year from fertile land they have cleared. “We don’t know why the government picked Elay,” she says.
Gambella region’s former president Omod Obang Olum reported last year that 35,000 households had voluntarily moved from a target of 45,000. The official objective had been to cluster scattered households to make public service delivery more efficient. Critics such asHuman Rights Watch said the underlying reason was to clear the way for agricultural investors, and that forced evictions overseen by soldiers involved rape and murder. The Ethiopian government refute the allegations.
Last month the London-based law firm Leigh Day & Co began proceedings against the UKDepartment for International Development (DfID) at the high court after a man from Gambella alleged he suffered abuse when the agency supported the resettlement scheme. Since 2006, DfID and other donors have funded a multibillion-dollar programme in Ethiopia that pays the salaries of key regional government workers such as teachers and nurses through the Protection of Basic Services scheme.
A DfID spokesman said: “We will not comment on ongoing legal action, however, the UK has never funded Ethiopia’s resettlement programmes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling and clean water.”
Karmi, 10km from Gambella town, is a newly expanded community for those resettled along one of the few tarmac roads. Two teachers scrub clothes in plastic tubs on a sticky afternoon. A herd of goats nibble shrubs as purple and orange lizards edge up tree trunks. There is little activity in the village, which has bare pylons towering over it waiting for high-voltage cables to improve Gambella’s patchy electricity supply.
The teachers work in an impressive school built in 2011 with funds from the UN refugee agency. It has a capacity of 245 students for grades one to five – yet the teachers have only a handful of pupils per class. “This is a new village but the people have left,” says Tigist Megersa.
Kolo Cham grows sorghum and corn near the Baro river, a 30-minute walk from his family home at Karmi. The area saw an influx of about 600 people at the height of villagisation, says Kolo, crouching on a tree stump, surrounded only by a group of children with a puppy. Families left when they got hungry and public services weren’t delivered. “They moved one by one so the government didn’t know the number was decreasing,” he says.
The Anuak at Karmi have reason to fear the authorities, particularly Ethiopia’s military. Several give accounts of beatings and arrests by soldiers as they searched for the perpetrators of a nearby March 2012 attack on a bus that killed 19. The insecurity was a key factor in the exodus, according to residents.
As well as the Anuak, who have tended crops near riverbanks in Gambella for more than 200 years, the region is home to cattle-herding Nuer residents, who began migrating from Sudan in the late 19th century. Thousands of settlers from northern Ethiopia also arrived in the 1980s when the highlands suffered a famine. The government blamed the bus attack on Anuak rebels who consider their homeland colonised.
David Pred is the managing director of Inclusive Development International. The charity is representing Gambella residents, who have accused the World Bank of violating its own policies by funding the resettlement programme. An involuntary, abusive, poorly planned and inadequately funded scheme was bound to fail, he says. “It requires immense resources, detailed planning and a process that is truly participatory in order for resettlement to lead to positive development outcomes,” he adds.
Most of flood-prone Gambella, one of Ethiopia’s least developed states, is covered with scrub and grasslands. Inhospitable terrain makes it difficult for villagisation to take root in far-flung places such as Akobo, which borders South Sudan. Akobo is one of the three districts selected for resettlement, according to Kok Choul, who represents the district in the regional council.
In 2009, planners earmarked Akobo for four new schools, clinics, vets, flourmills and water schemes, as well as 76km of road. But the community of about 30,000 has seen no change, says 67-year-old Kok, who has 19 children from four wives. “There is no road to Gambella so there is no development,” he says. One well-placed civil servant explains that funds for services across the region were swallowed by items such as daily allowances for government workers.
A senior regional official says the state ran low on funds for resettlement, leading to delivery failures and cost-cutting. For example, substandard corn grinders soon broke and have not been repaired, he says. The government will continue to try to provide planned services in three districts including Akobo this year and next, according to the official.
However, the programme has transformed lives, with some farmers harvesting three times a year, says Ethiopia’s ambassador to the UK, Berhanu Kebede. The government is addressing the “few cases that are not fully successful”, he says. Service provision is ongoing and being monitored and improved upon if required, according to Kebede.
At Elay, Oman Nygwo, a wiry 40-year-old in cut-off jeans, gives a tour of deserted huts and points to a line of mango trees that mark his old home on the banks of the Baro. He is scathing about the implementation of the scheme but remains in Elay as there is less risk of flooding. There was no violence accompanying these resettlements, Oman says, but “there would be problems if the government tried to move us again”.
Source: The Guardian

Ethnic Politics and the Addis Ababa Master Plan


by Tedla Asfaw
The new Master plan for Addis Ababa
Ethiopian students of our generation are known for being politically very active. We grew up chanting “Land to the Tiller, Merete LeArashu”. Many died for that cause and it seems this generation of Ethiopians known fighting among ethnic lines in colleges and universities came up with their slogan of keeping lands that “belong” to them to remain with them. They exchanged Land to the Tiller for “Land to My Tribe!”
The Ambo University students on April 25, 2014 were heard chanting slogans, “Burayu is not for sale”, “Sululta is not for sale”, “Legetafo is not for sale”. “Oromia for Oromos”. They also cry Finfine/Addis Ababa is Oromia.
They claim that the new Master plan for Addis Ababa is going to be built by taking huge land from the surrounding Oromia. They said similar encroachment is underway in Diredawa, Melka Jeldu, Ambo, Bishoftu and other Oromia areas.
Their fear is Oromia surface area is shrinking on its way denying them to build viable Oromo Republic. If the protest was in support of the farmers in the surrounding area why have we not seen such protest organized by students when foreign land buyers took huge amount of land by dislocating farmers. This protest was not about the farmers.
As one person truly put it on the discussion on the master plan it is about Identity. Oromo Land is only for Oromo. The students at Ambo University could have brought other students if their demand was about the farmers. Who said that all the farmers surrounding Addis Ababa are only Oromo? How comes we did not hear this voice when Amhara farmers were kicked out recently from Ambo area?
For Ambo University protesters Addis Ababa is Finfine but they know very well that the residents of Addis Ababa are comprising Ethiopians from all ethnic groups. Was a referendum on the name?
Addis Ababa is a city that has grown from 137.63 square km in 1991 to 527.06 square km in 2014 according the data released covering the protest. The population of Metro Addis Ababa is estimated 4.5 million according to recent census. Addis Ababa will not build fence to stop the flow of people who are coming to start life there. The Addis Ababa I was born and grew up has expanded in all directions without any plan in the last two decades.
The Addis Master Plan is a plan modeled after Chinese development plan to accommodate the expansion of the city whose population has quadrupled in the last two decades. The “Development Government” can do whatever it wants. Public input is zero. It is given from top down and has to be implemented whether any one likes it or not.
The students protest should challenge the planning process executed without consulting the people. If the protest is about “identity” or keeping once Kilil from “foreigners” it is not going to get huge support. Oromo Kilil like the rest of Kilils was not designed by consulting people. It was a political “map” of divide and rule.
Kilil Identity is a time bomb and it is up to all of us diffusing this bomb. The interest of Ethiopia and Ethiopians should come first before Kilil Identity and interest. We need to build a “Renaissance Generation” on the foot step of “Land to the Tiller” patriotic Ethiopian generation of our student day, The Golden Generation!